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CHINA: A PROJECT THAT VALUES THE ECOSYSTEM OVER PRODUCTIVITY

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THE LOESS PLATEAU
THE CRADLE OF CHINESE CIVILIZATION


I was thinking last night I ought to do something once in a while that isn't an awful story...for all or our's sanity.

I came up with this.   Here is something that does show that once in a while anyway, someone, even a State,  for some reason, does actually take on a project that benefits the ecology.  It shows that some things are at least possible.  Though I don't totally understand what the author means when he talks about making the basis of money a functional ecosystem instead of being derived from production and consumption, I do understand when he mentions "valuing ecological function above production."  It is when he combines the two concepts that I again become somewhat mixed up.  When he writes in conclusion that, "By valuing ecosystem function above production and consumption and making this the basis of the global monetary system it becomes possible to restore all degraded land anywhere on the planet," I again grow confused. It does seem to me to maybe be a "nice" way of saying, at a minimum,  we can't continue on with capitalism.  I certainly agree with that.

Read the long story below.  It is interesting, remarkable, different, and I think is well worth thinking about.

After all, someone has to do something.

The following is from The Permaculture Research Instittue of Australia.


Finding Sustainability in Ecosystem Restoration


BiodiversityCommunity ProjectsConservationConsumerismDeforestationFood Shortages,Global Warming/Climate ChangePlant SystemsPopulationRegional Water Cycle,RehabilitationSoil ConservationSoil Erosion & ContaminationTreesWater Contaminaton & LossWater Harvesting — by John D. Liu November 17, 2012




Before (below) and after (above), Loess Plateau Watershed Rehabiliation Project


A Breakthough of Worldwide Importance


In 1995, as the Chinese government and people were beginning an ambitious effort to restore the cradle of Chinese civilization, I was asked by the World Bank to document the “Loess Plateau Watershed Rehabilitation Project”. Originally the Loess Plateau had been fully vegetated with massive forests and grasslands. Resources extracted from the giant forests, rushing rivers, and abundance of the earth in this place blossomed into the magnificence of the Han, the Qin and the Tang dynasties. The accomplishments of the early Chinese dynasties, based in this area, rank among the greatest human scientific and artistic achievements of any age. The Loess Plateau gave birth to the Han race, the largest ethnic group on the planet, and the plateau is generally considered by historians and geographers to be the second place on Earth where human beings began to use settled agriculture.


As bright as the beginning was, the area over time suffered and eventually was almost completely denuded of vegetation. By 1000 years ago the Loess Plateau had been abandoned by the wealthy and powerful and by the mid-1990s was famous mainly for a continuous cycle of flooding, drought and famine known as “China’s Sorrow”. Over the years since beginning this inquiry in 1995 I have witnessed an extraordinary transformation on the Loess Plateau. The changes have been brought about by differentiating and designating ecological and economic land, infiltrating rainfall, terracing, and consciously increasing biomass and organic material through massive planting of trees in the ecological land and using better agriculture methods in the economic lands.


A measure of ecological function has been returned to the region and the general direction of development is now positive and accumulative with the functionality continuing to improve. The changes on the Loess Plateau have been transformational and are contributing to a growing movement to restore all degraded land on the Earth. As my understanding has grown I have presented the Loess Plateau restoration efforts and results of the restoration worldwide through public speaking and in several films including: “The Lessons of the Loess Plateau”, “Hope in a Changing Climate” and “Green Gold”.


I have been on a very long journey of inquiry since beginning to study China’s Loess Plateau. This article contains much of the journey, the wonder and beauty I have seen along the way and the conclusions that I have come to. My experiences have made me realize that while we live in interesting times, we are not helpless in the face of the many challenges we are grappling with. Biodiversity loss, human induced climate changes, increasing incidence of extreme weather, pollution, food insecurity, desertification, human population growth, financial crisis, racism, war, violence, and migration, are just some of the concerns that we have. What exactly is happening? Why do we seem to be on a downward spiral, leading seemingly toward an eventual catastrophic collapse? Are all these negative outcomes inevitable? Is it “God’s Wrath” directed at us because we have sinned and because of this we have been cast out from paradise? Should we take that literally or could this be a poetic metaphor intended to lead us to understanding? The inquiry that began with a short assignment to document a project in China has led me to every continent on Earth and to cast my thoughts across historical, evolutionary and geologic time. My focus in the beginning was to gain a better understanding of the biophysical aspects of Earth Systems but has more recently turned to how this is related to human activity, work and the economy. Surprising implications are emerging. What was at first distant from current events is now suggesting a new development paradigm that could address the most serious problems we face with profound implications for the present and the future.


Studying the Loess Plateau has proven to be broadly analogous to studying other cradles of civilization on the planet. By reducing biodiversity, biomass and accumulated organic matter the people of the Loess Plateau destroyed the ability to infiltrate and retain rainfall in biomass and organic soils, causing an area the size of France to dry out. Without the constant nutrient recycling from decaying organic matter, the soil and its fertility was eroded away by wind and water and the place was left barren and subject to intense flooding, drought and famine. There is evidence throughout the world of this phenomenon. This outcome is similar in Mesopotamia, the Mediterranean, Central Asia, the Sahel region of North Africa and elsewhere. What is different about the Loess Plateau is that there was a conscious decision to try to reverse the degradation at scale and restore ecological function to a vast area. The work on the Loess Plateau is helping prove that it is possible to rehabilitate large-scale damaged ecosystems and that this is the best way we have to mitigate and adapt to human induced climate changes as well as address numerous other problems.


Background: Natural Systems Global Research


The historical degradation and the contemporary restoration of China’s Loess Plateau is a complex story but it can be analyzed and understood. To really understand this some background information is necessary. For me this has meant traveling to degraded lands all over the world but also to the remaining pristine ecosystems in Africa, Asia, and the Americas to see what systems that have not been altered by human beings are like and what has been lost when we have changed the systems. My journey has taken me to over 80 countries around the world to look at the differences and similarities between the vegetative, hydrological and ecological functioning in various continents and ecosystems.


This has made me rather philosophical. With a good imagination it is possible to think back to a time before human beings had massively altered natural systems on the Earth. When we leave the environment that we humans have constructed even now we find great forests rich with oxygen, moisture, the scent of orchids and other flowers. These great remnants of the Earth’s natural systems can be found on all continents. In these great primary forests epiphytes cling to every surface, making it seem that the trees have beards hanging from their limbs and fur on their bark. Even the rocks are covered in moss or mottled with lichens. The forest floor is covered with decaying organic matter, the remains of former generations of plants, from which spring giant ferns and colorful fungi. Animal droppings on the pathways, paw-prints, birdsong and animal cries, provide evidence that the forest is not just for plants.


Within these forests are ancient trees that live for thousands of years. Giant trees anchoring vast diverse ecosystems, coexisting with their descendents and symbiotically with myriad forms of life. When it rains the raindrops hit the towering ancient canopy and then drizzle down, nurturing each level of the multi-story environment. Water drops bead on the tips of the leaves, slowly forming, and when fat and heavy they drop to the next lower level, the process beginning again. The air is dense with humidity that bathes everything in the forest. Water springs spontaneously from rock formations and flows joyously in clear streams growing stronger and stronger until eventually forming great rivers.


The rivers flowing from the highland forests inundate the wetlands in the lower lands below on their paths to the sea. During the rainy seasons these wetland systems absorb huge amounts of water and during the dry seasons they slowly release it so that the land is never dry. At various times in the year the sky is darkened by enormous migratory flocks of birds. Various species compete in seeking nesting grounds in a riot of birdsong and the beating of wings. In the coastal zones where the land and the sea meet are vast mangrove forests, the interface between the land and the sea and the breeding grounds for much of the sea’s life. Where there is little rainfall one finds seemingly endless grasslands interspersed with trees and plants specially adapted to the exact rainfall patterns of each specific ecological habitat. In the grasslands and savannah regions vast herds of migratory animals abound.


Evolutionary Trends: Through Decay to Fertility


In visiting these places and studying how they function I found that three evolutionary trends have been continuously at work. The first trend is toward total colonization of the Earth by biological life. The second trend is toward the constant accumulation of organic material as each generation of life gives up its body in death. The third trend is toward continuous differentiation through speciation leading to the potential of infinite variety in genetics or biodiversity. These trends over evolutionary time transformed a lifeless rock surrounded by poisonous gases into a wonderful garden. The basic engine for this change is photosynthesis, which takes sunlight, water and geologic minerals and converts them to living biomass. The photosynthesizing biomass has through gas exchange over prodigious time created and maintained the oxygenated atmosphere that we now breathe. The enormous quantities of biomass and accumulated organic material also infiltrate and retain rainfall releasing the moisture in respiration, creating, constantly filtering and continuously renewing the hydrological cycle that provides the water we drink and use in so many ways. The decay of organic matter over evolutionary time has built and renewed the fertility of the soil from which our food emerges. Even the fossil energy that we are so blithely using is derived from ancient photosynthesis and organic matter that decayed under specific pressurized conditions. These processes and functions of nature are the physical basis of life.


The Ecological Collapse of Civilizations


Into this natural world our human ancestors were born and as many great cultural cosmologies state we emerged in paradise. Through ingenuity and courage, we humans have become the latest dominant animal species. Our elevation to this lofty position has taken place in the relatively short time since the last ice age receded approximately 10,000 years ago. Yet we do not exist separately from other parts of the living earth, we are part of this system. As human power has grown we have cut down vast forests, converted natural systems to agriculture, relentlessly grazed our livestock, built great cities and industrial zones. Throughout the last 10,000 years various civilizations have risen but they have also fallen. Human history shows numerous examples of civilizations that failed to conserve and protect the natural diversity of life, the fertility of the soil and the hydrological cycle, and collapsed. Currently, as we experience biodiversity loss, extreme weather events, desertification, food insecurity, human induced climate changes, financial crisis, poverty, disparity, war and all our other problems we are facing the same fate as those civilizations that went before us. But our dilemma is somewhat more dangerous because while in the past the centers of power and affluence just shifted we are now altering planetary ecosystems. We urgently need to understand what is happening and what to do to ensure that history does not repeat itself.


"Witnessing the incredible potential of restoration has helped me to understand that degradation is not inevitable and that there is a path forward for humanity that leads to a sustainable future."
Our ancestors took great pride in their accomplishment as magnificent structures and complex institutions grew in the same way that we are now sure that our accomplishments are significant and enduring. But this can also be seen as hubris that focuses our attention on the transient and blinds us to the enduring and profound. Seeing how the early Chinese had destroyed the very systems needed for life has helped me to understand the process of ecological degradation and the relationship between human activity and degradation. Witnessing the incredible potential of restoration has helped me to understand that degradation is not inevitable and that there is a path forward for humanity that leads to a sustainable future.


What we know about the ancient civilizations of our human ancestors we glean from the ruins we unearth of once magnificent palaces and temples. The broken statues that stare at us across time suggest how seriously each generation takes their own existence. But finally the people who built these palaces die and if we don’t keep pulling the weeds up by the roots, biological life will swallow the infrastructure whole and it is again up to generations far in the future to “discover” the ruins and try to make sense of it all. But while the exploits and lives of our ancestors may be vague we do receive a record of what their lives did to the natural systems. We are left with the consequences of their understanding and decisions concerning the infiltration, retention and regulation of water, the respect or lack of respect for biodiversity and their understanding of fertility in the soils. The geographical records documenting this are quite clear. Virtually every past civilization degraded their ecosystem and many were driven to collapse when the system could no longer support them with food or water. That so many different civilizations in different parts of the world all suffered the same fate makes me consider humanity as a species and not a collection of different races. We may have cultural differences but our similarities are too great to ignore, not to mention the genetic evidence that we are all related.



In Rwanda, where relatively recent ecological degradation from over-farming in
the designated protected highland watersheds saw the near failure of the country’s
hydro-electricity supply, the government has undertaken a similar rehabilitation
project to China’s and experienced almost immediate improvements. Free ranging
goats are, however, still a problem. Gishwati Forest, Rwanda.


All the great civilizations include a great respect for the wisdom and contribution of those who have lived and died in the many generations that have gone before. Within the rise and fall of the great ancient civilizations on earth are profound lessons that our ancestors are sharing with us. The lessons of the Loess Plateau show that soil is not simply a medium for our agricultural crops to stand in and that fertility is not simply nitrogen, phosphorous and potassium to stimulate growth. Organic matter is required to recycle nutrients from one generation of life to the next and microbiologic communities that live in organic soils are required not only to assist in recycling but also to release nutrients from geologic materials and to infiltrate and retain moisture. Understanding that these same organic soils are the second largest carbon sink on Earth after the oceans is to recognize their role in mitigating and adapting to human induced climate changes and how they are of vital importance for our survival and sustainability.


The people of the Loess Plateau had interrupted the three great evolutionary trends that created the living system and that regulate the ecological functions on the plateau. The long destructive patterns of behavior on the plateau had left a nearly completely dysfunctional system. The cycle of poverty, ecological destruction was manifest in the cycle of flooding, drought and famine. Erosion of the loose sedimentary soils meant that huge sediment loads were deposited into the Yellow River increasing the risk that the river would flood it banks. Without vegetation cover or soil moisture the natural evaporation rates and temperatures were artificially elevated causing the plateau to be hotter and drier than necessary.


All this can be briefly stated as a reduction of biodiversity, leading to a reduction of biomass, that necessarily causes a reduction in the accumulation of organic matter, all of which causes reduction in gas exchange through reduced photosynthesis, a massive reduction in nutrient cycling through the loss of decaying organic material and a reduction in infiltration and retention of rainfall leading to the loss of natural regulation of the hydrological cycle, the weather and the climate. This is a very concise description of the developmental trajectory that has lead to the ecological collapse and the failure of numerous human civilizations.


The Causes of Degradation


In the Loess Plateau a multiyear study was implemented in the early 1990s in order to determine what was causing the consistent degradation. The negative factors that caused the vegetation to be lost were identified as tree cutting, farming on steep slopes and free ranging of goats and sheep. All of these negative behaviors were eventually banned. While understanding how ecosystems become dysfunctional is extremely important and somewhat satisfying, in order to get a different outcome on the Loess Plateau it was necessary to have a complete change in people’s behavior. Although many people assume, that in China, governed by the Chinese Communist Party, that the government could just order the people to give up their traditional behaviors, this was not the case. A massive public education campaign using the well-tested Participatory Rural Assessment (PRA) was employed to engage the population into the inquiry. This meant that the people could understand not only what the government was asking them to do but why. Geographical Information Systems (GIS) was also employed providing satellite images to map every watershed on the plateau. In this way a unique address could be assigned to even the smallest watercourse. Enterprise software that reflected every investment and every intervention was also used to track changes throughout the management chain.





Above: Former intact rainforest, recently highly impacted by mountain top and
slope farming, Gishwati Forest, Rwanda. Below: The White Nile and Congo River
watershed, functioning highland water tower system, Nyungwe Rainforest
Kamiranzovu, Isumo Waterfall, Rwanda.




The Problem: Productivity Valued over Ecosystem Function


Once the basic historical mistakes that needed to be addressed were identified a plan was developed and several physical interventions were envisioned. This began by making an econometric evaluation of profound importance. The Chinese recognized that the ecologic function that was being lost was vastly more valuable than the productivity that was being extracted from the plateau. This allowed them to make a huge breakthrough that is leading to several non-linear and somewhat counter-intuitive outcomes. Because they determined that the ecosystem value was higher than the productive value it made sense to designate much of the land as ecological land rather than economic land. This measure alone is a giant step forward in ensuring that biodiversity will survive into future generations. This step also concentrated the agricultural development in smaller areas where there could be focused investment and improvement. Although using Geographical Information Systems was basically a mapping exercise, it provided a strong tool to show everyone what was being contemplated and what was at stake. Since the project area was 35,000 sq kilometers the work reached a scale that went far beyond individual or even community production and income and reached landscape or ecological scales.


The Dynamics of Rainfall


One of the most fascinating things that I have learned on this journey is about the dynamics of rainfall and the role of the canopy, undergrowth and organic matter in regulating the natural water cycle. For the restoration of the Loess Plateau the next step was an engineering feat. Due to the massive impact that centuries and millennia of poor agricultural practices had it was necessary to first ensure that all the rain was infiltrated and retained where it fell. The plateau like many other parts of the world receives water at specific times of the year. These rainy seasons in this part of the world are monsoonal and depend on rainfall coming out of the Himalayan Mountains. These rain patterns have been relatively consistent and should have given a clue to ancient peoples what was happening to them. But because of the slow pace of change that might have been happening over generations they failed to see that although the rainfall was not changing that much, the infiltration, retention and evaporation was changing at a far greater pace. The answer was a series of engineering works such as, sediment traps, check dams, meanders and terraces, all designed to slow the runoff, to infiltrate and to hold the water within the system. In the very beginning this was a physical intervention but it quickly became a biophysical intervention as permanent vegetation grew up in both the ecological and the economic lands.


Differentiation Between Ecological and Economic Land
The Chinese determined that although the value of the ecological function was higher than the value of the production the people still needed to eat, to feed their livestock and to make some money by selling things on the local, regional and global economy. Having already banned slope farming they were limited in how much land could be used for agriculture. In order to maximize the area available for farming they decided to terrace the hillsides. If they could make the fields flat then they would be useful for farming without the enormous erosion caused by the slope farming. If they could not be terraced then the land would by necessity fall into the ecological land category and the people would not be allowed to farm it. This was a second massive engineering task and it was achieved by hiring the people to engage in the activity. This meant that the people gained in three ways. They were earning money, they were learning new sustainable agricultural methods and they would eventually own the outputs that came from the fields.


Worldwide Recognition of Land Rehabilitation
“By bringing scientists, technicians and managers into the local communities the Chinese essentially helped transition poor, often illiterate subsistence agriculturalists to a new paradigm within one generation.”
Over the years of following the rehabilitation of the Loess Plateau I have witnessed the land change from a fundamentally degraded system into a system that is stimulating the growth of vast amounts of biomass, accumulating organic matter in the soil, protecting and creating new habitat for biodiversity and naturally infiltrating and retaining rainfall. The results have exceeded even the designer’s expectations and have shown that it is possible to rehabilitate large-scale damaged ecosystems. By bringing scientists, technicians and managers into the local communities the Chinese essentially helped transition poor, often illiterate subsistence agriculturalists to a new paradigm within one generation.





Above: Displaced and growing populations pushing into once undisturbed highland
forests, Gishwati Forest, Rwanda. Below: Njungwe Forest, monitoring wild
chimpanzees, Rwanda.




Seeing and documenting the restoration of the Loess Plateau has been a source of inspiration and purpose but also a huge responsibility. When I began to realize how important the developments I was witnessing were, I began to speak publically about it. This has led to hundreds of opportunities to speak to various audiences of all sorts from the British Royal Society, to elementary school children, to many universities and to the presidents of several countries. As well the films are helping inform many about the potential of restoration. Gradually, a shift in perception is emerging all over the world, the principles outlined in this essay are being taken up by various institutions, organizations and individuals. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has begun to see the importance of restoration, as had the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (UNCBD) and the United Nations Convention on Combating Desertification (UNCCD). The United Nations Forum on Forests (UNFF) has adopted the idea of restoration as has the Global Partnership on Forest and Landscape Restoration.


In the beginning of February 2011 at the United Nations General Assembly in New York the Rwanda Forest Landscape Restoration Initiative was formally launched. In August 2011 the Society for Ecological Restoration held its global meeting in Merida, Yucatan in Mexico where nearly one thousand scholars and restoration engineers convened to discuss the potential worldwide. In the beginning of September 2011 the Bonn Initiative led by the German Government set a target of restoring 150 million hectares or about 7 % of the estimated 2 billion hectares of degraded lands around the world. As I have been studying, documenting and communicating about the potential of restoration it has gone from being virtually ignored to being considered by many as the most viable option humanity has to combat human induced climate changes, biodiversity loss, desertification and more.


Human Economics and the Earth’s Ecology


Gradually as I have become aware of the enormous implications of what I have been studying I began to consider why do civilizations separated by large distances and in various times all end up destroying their ecosystems? My conclusions from observing natural systems in every continent suggest that it is not at all inevitable that ecosystems must degrade. They are degraded because human beings don’t understand or value their function. These thoughts have led me to examine human economics in relationship to the earth’s ecology and what I have found is perhaps of equal importance to the biophysical understandings, and the potential of restoration that has been detailed in this essay.


“As long as our global economy continues to value production and consumption higher than the functioning ecosystem the results will remain the same and the outcome for humanity and the planet is bleak.”
What the Chinese found on the Loess Plateau that allowed them to take the crucial step toward restoration was the theoretical understanding that “Ecosystem Function is vastly more valuable than the production and consumption of goods and services”. This statement changes everything. Over historical time human beings have valued the production and consumption of products and services higher than they have valued ecosystem function. Actually the situation is even worse because ecosystem function was not valued at all but was considered as a free good. This is just simply wrong and has created a perverse incentive to degrade the ecosystem. As long as our global economy continues to value production and consumption higher than the functioning ecosystem the results will remain the same and the outcome for humanity and the planet is bleak. It seems that humanity has made a gigantic error through our ignorance and has compounded this error over historical time. Some clichés such as “money is the root of all evil” perhaps should not be dismissed without consideration.


Money is now derived from the production and consumption of goods and services. This is the Gross Domestic Product or GDP. This thinking says that the total of the economy is what we produce and consume. But there is the rub. All the products and services we produce and consume come from functional ecosystems. If the ecosystems collapse then we actually have no productivity. This suggests the same finding that the Chinese had, that “Ecosystem Function is vastly more valuable than the production and consumption of goods and services". Recently there have been many attempts to envision “Green Economics” but the problem with many of these efforts is that they leave the fundamentals the same. They continue to assume that the basis of money is production and consumption.


This line of thinking made me ask: “What would happen if money were not derived from production and consumption, but the basis of money was functional ecosystems”? The answer seems to be that everything would change. Society would be completely transformed by this understanding, instead of working to produce and consume more and more, humanity would work to ensure that ecosystems functioned well. If ecosystem function was the basis of money the development trajectory would be accumulative and ecosystem function would be protected and improved. This replaces scarcity with abundance. This shows where and how the economy can grow larger than it is now but it doesn’t require endless and mindless growth of production and consumption in order to have wealth.




Pen fed sheep are a firm and increasingly observed rule now for all of China


When we study the consequences of human impact on biodiversity, desertification and climate changes, we realize that we are facing enormous problems and that the solutions must be equal to the size and difficulty of the problems. Redefining the basis of money and wealth certainly fits these criteria. Many of the problems we are facing were created long ago and have been institutionalized and legalized over generations. This makes it difficult to act because we must return and address fundamental mistakes of past. These mistakes are not our fault and we tend to simply accept them because they were envisioned and created long before we came onto the scene. Yet in order for us to ensure a sustainable future we must address these legacy issues.



Above: Mongolia — high impact from herding too many animals.
Below: Mongolia — vast dry steppe landscape


Poverty: Valuing Production over Ecosystems


Studying and documenting in over 80 countries around the world has allowed me to see many large degraded areas and one common denominator seems to be poverty. Large numbers of poor people are degrading their ecosystems in order to survive. Yet when one looks deeply into the situation one finds that the poverty has been imposed on the region because the people have been told that the natural ecosystem is worthless and only the products extracted and sold to the global production and consumption economy are of value. If ecosystem function were in fact valued the people often would not be poor at all. It is not simply ironic but terribly cruel that the developed world is providing “development assistance” to many countries and actually telling them that they must restore their ecosystems when simultaneously the values that the developed world have imposed on these societies are causing of the degradation.


Mali is a very good example of this. 14 million people live in lands measuring over 1 million square kilometers. This is like the population of Los Angeles living in an area almost twice the size of France. In Mali each year the inner Niger Delta floods to over 6 meters. This immense amount of water over evolutionary time was absorbed into giant trees and the specialized grasses. 85% of the vegetation is water and holding this much water in place helps to regulate the water cycle, the weather and the climate. But historically and now the vegetative cover has been consistently decreased. Simultaneously we are worried about biodiversity loss, desertification, the risk of extreme weather events such as flooding and drought, and the potential that human activity is causing massive climate changes including temperature increases. I have not found any biophysical reasons why the vegetation in Mali must be decreased. There doesn’t seem to be anything stopping the vegetation from returning except that we don’t value it and force the local people to cut it in order to get some money to participate in the global economy. Valuing production higher than ecosystem function in Mali forces virtually the entire population into poverty and destroys the very regulatory functions the world needs to reduce the threats of desertification, biodiversity loss, extreme weather events and climate change. Just think what would happen in Mali if ecosystem function were valued higher than production and consumption. Vegetation would again cover the land because it would be recognized as the basis of wealth.


The example of Mali is only one of numerous countries where the potential for rehabilitation is huge. However, in order to restore these systems the reasons that they were degraded in the first place must be addressed. And it is not simply in developing countries that valuing ecological function above production would have an impact. In the developed world millions of people are striving to produce and consume as much as they can because they are rewarded to do so. We are told that we must grow the economy and in order to do that we must produce more. The problem is that there are limits to growth. We cannot endlessly produce and consume more and more without catastrophic outcomes. For those with jobs it means working more hours and working harder. For those without jobs it means slipping further away from acceptability, the respect of others and sometimes even losing self-respect. This is the system, the daily grind, the rat race and it is just assumed to be necessary to serve this model. But it is illogical, immoral and impossible to sustain it. It is illogical because all the products and services we produce and consume can be shown to come from functional ecosystems, which we have valued at zero and this creates a perverse incentive to degrade the ecosystem. It is immoral because this system has been imposed on billions of people without their understanding or agreement and many of these have been impoverished by the experience. It is impossible because we cannot infinitely extract finite resources to grow the economy. It is like trying to fill a bottomless pit. If we stay the course we are finished. This is why Sir Nicolas Stern said that the “Business as usual scenario is no longer possible.” So for those trapped in this world of over production and over consumption, what would turn this juggernaut toward a more sustainable path?


The Path to a Sustainable Future and Climate Stability


For both the poor of the world living in large degraded ecosystems, and the so-called wealthy in the developed world, transformational change now seems to be required. Humanity cannot survive without functional ecosystems and the actions of all people are needed to act together as a species on a planetary scale to ensure that vital Earth systems are restored. From what I have seen the determining factors for survival and sustainability on the Earth are biodiversity, biomass and accumulation of organic matter, the more the better. The lessons of the Loess Plateau show that it is possible to restore large scale damaged ecosystems and that this mitigates and helps us adapt to climate impacts, makes the land more resilient and increases productivity. The Loess Plateau also shows that valuing ecosystem function higher than production and consumption allows one to make the choices necessary to make long-term investments and see the results of trans-generational thinking.


It can be daunting to consider the problems we currently face. There is much to distract us from pursuing what we imagine must be a dreadful pursuit. But the decisions we make are going to determine what the future will be for those who come after us.


Over the years I have been studying and documenting functional and dysfunctional ecosystems I have come to a number of realizations. One is that there are rarely biophysical reasons that ecosystems become dysfunctional. Ecosystems are mainly disrupted when human beings don’t value the function but instead value the products and services that are extracted from functional ecosystems.


By valuing ecosystem function above production and consumption and making this the basis of the global monetary system it becomes possible to restore all degraded land anywhere on the planet. We already have the knowledge necessary to do this and we certainly have the need for us to do this given the enormous threat of climate change. This seems to be the way to change the paradigm from producing and consuming for the wealthy and to end the grinding poverty that has been imposed on billions in the developing world. This is also the way to ensure that the great forests, wetlands, grasslands all return to the earth in their splendor and function for future generations to benefit from, admire and cherish. This is the development trajectory that leads to a sustainable future.


~~~~~
John Dennis Liu
Senior Research Fellow, IUCN
Director, Environmental Education Media Project (EEMP)
+86-13911-565016


Currently though crowd sourcing and partnerships we have “Hope in a Changing Climate” in English, Chinese, French, German, Spanish, Russian, Vietnamese, and Arabic is currently in production (although may be affected by unrest in the Middle East). These films are only a small part of the Environmental Education materials created and distributed by the Environmental Education Media Project (EEMP). We are seeking volunteers and partnerships to collaborate to ensure people all over the world can benefit what we have learned and produced.


High Resolution Copies of the Films for Broadcasting are available. If you would like to broadcast or to translate these films into other languages please contact the Environmental Education Media Project and we will help you.

EIRIGI TARGET OF BLACK OPS IN NORTHERN IRELAND

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Northern Ireland is one of those places where sometimes you throw up your hands and scream as loud as you can, "What's Going On."  Just last night a Protestant loyalist mob burned down the Alliance party office after a protest over the Union flag.  In specific, the thugs were all in a tither because members of the Party had voted to restrict the flying of the Union flag at Belfast City Hall to designated days.

Okay...

Well, that is not what this post is about.  Rather what we have here is the totally absurd charges of terrorism leveled against a member of the socialist republican group EirIgi.  Eirigi has come under increasing pressures from the State of late.  The latest example is the strange case of Stephen Murney.  Well, it might be strange elsewhere but in Northern Ireland...not so much.

The Irish Times has reported that during a hearing on Saturday a police detractive testified that Stephen Murney, a public relations officer with the group, was seen, 



... by police taking photographs of police officers on a mobile phone during a protest in support of dissident republican prisoners as the Olympic torch was passing through Newry in June.


The pictures were later placed on his Facebook page.  Pretty damaging stuff, I should say.  But wait, that isn't all.



The court heard that when police raided his home last week they found two pellet guns, two black berets, three military style jumpers and three pairs of combat trousers.

The detective also said that a laptop computer containing images of police officers was also seized during the raid.

However, a defence solicitor said the images dated back years and contained no pictures of serving PSNI officers.


Unfortunately, this crazed terrorist has an attorney (this isn't the USA) who pointed out things like the fact that the pictures from the protest were taken for building a case of harassment.  He also told the court that the clothing seized were old band uniforms.

Whoa!  This is getting hairy...

Eirigi general secretary Breandan MacCionnaith told local and national media:




These spurious charges that have been laid against Stephen Murney are charges which could be pressed against any political activist, any human rights activist, or any photojournalist in the six counties.

These charges are a blatant but crude attempt at political censorship and the open suppression of legitimately held political opinions.

We believe that the PSNI have chosen to bring these charges against Stephen as a test case, which if successful, will open the floodgates for similar charges to be pressed against hundreds of people right across the six counties.

The wider implications of these charges are immense.


Just have to mention that Mr. Murney, according to a local spokesperson for EiIrgi,  "... has been particular active in highlighting and campaigning against PSNI harassment...


The following is from Democracy and Class Struggle


Eirigi subject of "Black Ops" and "joined up political policing" between the Gardai and the PSNI



A black operation or black op is a covert operation by a government, a government agency, or a military organization. This can include activities by private companies or groups. 

A black operation typically involves activities that are highly clandestine and often outside of standard military/intelligence protocol or even against the law. 


Republican socialist group éirigí is being subjected to a concerted
smear campaign following the arrest of one of its members this week.

A member of the organisation in Dublin, Ursula Ní Shionnain, was
detained on Tuesday in what appeared to be a carefully planned Garda
operation in county Offaly, and charged with arms offences.

A further move to arrest party chairman Brian Leeson bore the hallmarks
of a 'black ops' campaign against the entire organisation.

Éirígí General Secretary Breandán Mac Cionnaith said Mr Leeson's arrest
and 72-hour detention was a "cynical exercise" designed to foster "black
propaganda and misinformation" within sections of the media.

“Brian’s release, without charge, confirms our view that his arrest had
a clear political motivation," he said.

He linked the events to the left-wing party's growing political support
and its recent decision to contest local elections in the 26 Counties.

Mr Leeson had played a central role in organising opposition to the
austerity policies being implemented by the Fine Gael/Labour coalition
in Leinster House, he said.

"We are of the view that this arrest and the accompanying coverage by
some media outlets is designed to undermine opposition to this
forthcoming budget and to attack our party.

“We also believe that it is more than just mere coincidence that Brian’s
arrest came just over a week after the party voted at our annual Ard
Fheis to contest local government elections in the 26 Counties.

“We fully believe that these things are most certainly not unconnected.”

He also said the party would not take steps to distance itself from Ms
Ní Shionnain.

“I have no doubt that some of the more sensationalist media outlets will
try to exploit Ursula's arrest to insinuate all sorts of conspiracy
theories and to engage in McCarthy-like 'reds under the beds' hysteria
against éirígí. That, of course, will be nothing new."

Media depictions of Irish republicans have become more heavily
propagandised in recent weeks, particularly in the tabloid newspapers. A
commemorative event in Dublin for prominent local republican and
anti-drugs campaigner Alan Ryan, murdered by drug dealers in September,
was described as a "terrorist party" in one newspaper.

A separate incident in Newry has reinforced a belief that Éirígí, in
particular, is facing an increased policy of suppression. An early
morning raid and arrest on the Newry home of prominent éirígí activist
Stephen Murney took place on the eve of Leeson's arrest.

It had demonstrated yet again the political nature of policing in the
North, said éirígí spokesperson John McCusker.

“Stephen is well-known as an éirígí party member in the Newry area who
is very active within his local community. For the past couple of years,
the PSNI have conducted a lengthy and intense campaign of harassment
against him.

“Independent human rights organisations are currently investigating this
campaign of harassment against Stephen and other people in the Newry
area. Indeed, they have documented evidence detailing this open
political victimisation. It has included constant stop and search
procedures, harassment, assaults, house searches and threats from the
PSNI officers – all carried out under the guise of so-called
‘anti-terror’ legislation.

The PSNI seized items from Mr Murney's home which included éirígí party
literature and personal items belonging to him and other members of his
family. He was then arrested and taken to Antrim Holding Centre.

McCusker added, “Many of Stephen’s neighbours gathered beside his home
this morning in a show of solidarity and to demonstrate their abhorrence
of the PSNI’s actions. I would commend those people for showing such
communal solidarity with Stephen and his family.

“Serious questions must be asked about the overt and aggressive
political policing which is becoming a daily occurrence," he concluded.

The Republican Network for Unity said the arrests were an example of
"joined up political policing" between the Gardai and the PSNI which had
been carried out to demonise Éirígí and its political work.

Source: Irish Republican News

WHAT IS THE MULTITUDE, YOU ASK?

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You've heard about it.  You've read about it.  You've seen the term right here at Scission.  But what the hell is the multitude anyway.  Does anyone know?  Mr. Negri does.  After you spend some time today at Scission's Theoretical Weekends, so will you.

The following is from Negri in English.




Towards an Ontological Definition of Multitude

Posted: August 14, 2010 in 2002Multitudes Journal
Tags: 
Towards an ontological definition of multitude.
Translated by Arianna Bove. This article was published on the journal Multitudes numero 9 as ‘Pour une definition ontologique de la multitude’.(p. 36-48) This article has also appeared in  Reflections on Empire published by Polity Press
1) The multitude is the name of an immanence. The multitude is a whole of singularities. On these premises we can immediately begin to trace an ontological definition of what is left of reality once the concept of the people is freed from transcendence. The way in which the concept of the people took shape within the hegemonic tradition of modernity is well known. Hobbes, Rousseau and Hegel have, each for his own part and in different ways, produced a concept of the people starting from sovereign transcendence: in those authors’ view the multitude was chaos and war. The thought of Modernity operates in a twofold manner on these grounds: on the one hand, it abstracts the multiplicity of singularities and, in a transcendental manner, unifies it in the concept of the people; on the other hand, it dissolves the whole of singularities (that constitute the multitude) into a mass of individuals. The modern theory of natural right [1] , whether of empirical or idealist origin, is in equal parts a theory of transcendence and of dissolution of the plane of immanence. On the contrary, the theory of the multitude requires that the subjects speak for themselves, and that what is dealt with are unrepresentable singularities rather than individual proprietors.
2) The multitude is a class concept. In fact, the multitude is always productive and always in motion. When considered from a temporal point of view, the multitude is exploited in production; even when regarded from the spatial point of view, the multitude is exploited in so far as it constitutes productive society, social cooperation for production.
The class concept of multitude must be regarded differently from the concept of working class. The concept of the working class is a limited one both from the point of view of production (since it essentially includes industrial workers), and from that of social cooperation (given that it comprises only a small quantity of the workers who operate in the complex of social production). Luxemburg’s polemic against the narrow-minded workerism of the Second International and against the theory of labour aristocracies was an anticipation of the name of the multitude; [page 2] unsurprisingly Luxemburg doubled the polemic against labour aristocracies with that against the emerging nationalism of the worker’s movement of her time.
If we pose the multitude as a class concept, the notion of exploitation will be defined as exploitation of cooperation: cooperation not of individuals but of singularities, exploitation of the whole of singularities, of the networks that compose the whole and of the whole that comprises of the networks etc.
Note here that the ‘modern’ conception of exploitation (as described by Marx) is functional to a notion of production the agents of which are individuals [2] . It is only so long as there are individuals who work that labour is measurable by the law of value. Even the concept of mass (as an indefinite multiple of individuals) is a concept of measure, or, rather, has been construed in the political economy of labour for this purpose. In this sense the mass is the correlative of capital as much as the people is that of sovereignty – we need to add here that it is not by chance that the concept of the people is a measure, especially in the refined Keynesian and welfares version of political economy. On the other hand, the exploitation of the multitude is incommensurable, in other words, it is a power [3] that is confronted with singularities that are out of measure and with a cooperation that is beyond measure.
If the historical shift is defined as epochal (ontologically so), then the criteria or dispositifs of measure valid for an epoch will radically be put under question. We are living through this shift, and it is not certain whether new criteria and dispositifs of measure are being proposed.
3) The multitude is a concept of power [4] . Through an analysis of cooperation we can already reveal that the whole of singularities produces beyond measure. This power [5] not only wants to expand, but, above all, it wants to acquire a body [6] the flesh of the multitude wants to transform itself into the body of the General Intellect.
It is possible to conceive of this shift, or rather, of this expression of power [7] , by following three lines:
a)       The genealogy of the multitude in the shift from the modern to the postmodern (or, if you like, from Fordism to Postfordism). This genealogy is constituted by the struggles of the working class that have dissolved the “modern” forms of social discipline.
b)      The tendency towards the General Intellect. The tendency, constitutive of the multitude, towards ever more immaterial and intellectual modes of productive expression wants to configure itself as the absolute recuperation of the General Intellect in living labour.
c)       The freedom and joy (as well as crisis and fatigue) of this innovative shift, that comprises within itself both continuity and discontinuity, in other words, something can be defined as systoles and diastoles in the recomposition of singularities.
It is still necessary to insist on the difference between the notion of multitude and that of people. The multitude can neither be grasped nor explained in contractarian terms (once contractarianism is understood as dependent on transcendental philosophy rather than empirical experience). In the most general sense, the multitude is diffident of representation because it is an incommensurable multiplicity. The people is always represented as a unity, whilst the multitude is not representable, because it is monstrous vis a vis the teleological and transcendental rationalisms of modernity. In contrast with the concept of the people, the concept of multitude is a singular multiplicity, a concrete universal. The people constituted a social body; the multitude does not, because the multitude is the flesh of life. If on the one hand we oppose the multitude to the people, on the other hand we must put it in contrast with the masses and the plebs. Masses and plebs have often been terms used to describe an irrational and passive social force, violent and dangerous precisely by virtue of its being easily manipulated. On the contrary, the multitude is an active social agent, a multiplicity that acts. Unlike the people, the multitude is not a unity, but as opposed to the masses and the plebs, we can see it as something organised. In fact, it is an active agent of self-organisation. Thus, a great advantage of the concept of the multitude is that it displaces all modern arguments premised on the ‘fear of the masses’ as well as those related to the ‘tyranny of the majority’, arguments that have often functioned as a kind blackmail to force us to accept (and sometimes even ask for) our servitude.
[page 4]
From the perspective of power [8] , what to make of the multitude? Effectively, there is really nothing that power can make of it, since here the categories that power is interested in – the unity of the subject (people), the form of its composition (contract amongst individuals) and the type of government (monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, separate or combined) – have been put aside. On the other hand, that radical modification of the mode of production that went through the hegemony of the immaterial labour force and of cooperating living labour –a real ontological, productive and biopolitical revolution- has turned all the parameters of ‘good government’ upside down and destroyed the modern idea of a community that would function for capitalist accumulation, just as the capitalist desired it from the outset.
The concept of multitude introduces us to a completely new world, inside a revolution in process. We cannot but imagine ourselves as monsters, within this revolution. Gargantua and Pantagruel, between the 16th and 17th century, in the middle of the revolution that construed modernity, are giants whose value is that of emblems as extreme figures of liberty and invention: they go through the revolution and propose the gigantic commitment to become free. Today we need new giants and new monsters who can join together nature and history, labour and politics, art and invention in order to show the new power [9] attributed to humanity by the birth of the General Intellect, the hegemony of immaterial labour, the new abstract passions and the activities of the multitude. We need a new Rabelais, or, better, many of them.
To conclude we note again that the primary matter of the multitude is the flesh, i.e. that common living substance where the body and the intellect coincide and are indistinguishable. Maurice Merleau-Ponty writes: ‘the flesh is not matter, nor mind, nor substance. In order to designate it we need the old and new term element, in the same sense as this term was used to speak of water, air, earth and fire, i.e. in the sense of a general thing…a sort of embodied principle that brings a style of being where there is a fragment of being. The flesh is in this sense an element of Being.’ Like the flesh, the multitude is then pure potentiality, unformed life force and an element of being. Like the flesh, the multitude is oriented towards the fullness of life. The revolutionary monster that is named multitude and appears at the end of modernity continuously wants to transform our flesh into new forms of life.
[page 5] We can explain the movement of the multitude from the flesh to new forms of life from another point of view. This is internal to the ontological shift and constitutes it. By this I mean that the power [10] of the multitude, seen from the singularitiesthat compose it, can show the dynamic of its enrichment, density and freedom. The production of singularities does not simply amount to the global production of commodities and reproduction of society, but it is also the singular production of a new subjectivity. In fact, today (in the mode of immaterial production that characterises our epoch) it is very difficult to distinguish the production of commodities from the social reproduction of subjectivity, since there are neither new commodities without new needs nor reproduction of life without singular desire. What interests us at this point is to underline the global power [11] of this process: in fact, it lays between globality and singularity according to a first rhythm (synchronic) of more or less intense connections (rhyzomatic, as they have been called) and another rhythm (diachronic), of systoles and diastoles, of evolution and crisis, of concentration and dissipation of the flux. In other words, the production of subjectivity, i.e. the production that the subject makes of itself, is simultaneously production of the density of the multitude – because the multitude is a whole of singularities. Of course, someone insinuates that the multitude is (substantially) an improposable concept, even a metaphor, because one can give unity to the multiple only through a more or less dialectical transcendental gesture (just as philosophy has done from Plato to Hobbes and Hegel): even more so if the multitude (i.e. the multiplicity that refuses to represent itself in the dialectical Aufhebung ) also claims to be singular and subjective. But the objection is weak: here the dialectical Aufhebung is ineffective because the unity of the multiple is for the multitude the same as that of living, and living can hardly be subsumed by the dialectics [12] . Moreover, the dispositif of the production of subjectivity that finds in the multitude a common figure, presents itself as collective praxis, as always renewed activity and constitutive of being. The name “multitude” is, at once, subject and product of collective praxis.
Evidently, the origins of the discourse on the multitude are found in a subversive interpretation of Spinoza’s thought. We could never insist enough on the importance of the Spinozist presupposition when dealing with this theme. First of all, an entirely Spinozist theme is that of the body, and particularly of the powerful body. ‘You cannot know how much a body can’. Then, multitude is the name of a multitude of bodies. We dealt with this determination when we insisted on the multitude as power [13] . Therefore, the body comes first both in the genealogy and in the tendency, both in the phases and in the result of the process of constitution of the multitude. But this is not enough. We must reconsider all the hitherto discussion from the point of view of the body, that is to say we must go back to points 1), 2), 3) of the preceding section, and complete them in this perspective.
Ad1) Once we define the name of the multitude against the concept of the people, bearing in mind that the multitude is a whole of singularities, we must translate that name in the perspective of the body and clarify the dispositif of a multitude of bodies. When we consider bodies, we not only perceive that we are faced with a multitude of bodies, but we also understand that each body is a multitude. Intersecting the multitude, crossing multitude with multitude, bodies become blended, mongrel, hybrid, transformed; they are like sea waves, in perennial movement and reciprocal transformation. The metaphysics of individuality (and/or of personhood) constitute a dreadful mystification of the multitude of bodies. There is no possibility for a body to be alone. It could not even be imagined. When man is defined as individual, when he is considered as autonomous source of rights and property, he is made alone. But one’s own does not exist outside of the relation with an other. Metaphysics of individuality, when confronted with the body, negate the multitude that constitutes the body in order to negate the multitude of bodies. Transcendence is the key to any metaphysics of individuality as well as to any metaphysics of sovereignty. On the other hand, from the standpoint of the body there is only relation and process. The body is living labour, therefore, expression and cooperation, therefore, material construction of the world and of history.
Ad2) When we speak of multitude as class concept, hence of multitude as subject of production and object of exploitation -at this point, it is immediately possible to introduce the corporeal dimension, because it is evident that in production, in movements, in labour and in migrations, bodies are at stake, with all their vital dimensions and determinations. In production the activity of bodies is always productive force and often primary matter. In fact there could be no discussion of exploitation, whether it is concerned with commodity production or with life reproduction, that does not directly touch upon bodies. Then, the concept of capital (on one side the production of wealth, on the other the exploitation of the multitude) must always be realistically looked at also through the analysis of how far bodies are made to suffer, are usurped or mutilated and wounded, reduced to production matter. Matter equals commodity. We cannot simply think that bodies are commodified in the production and reproduction of capitalist society; we also have to insist on the reappropriation of goods and the satisfaction of desires, as well as on the metamorphoses and the empowerment of bodies, that the continuous struggle against capital determines. Once we recognise this structural ambivalence in the historical process of accumulation, we must pose the problem of its solution in terms of the liberation of bodies and of a project of struggle to this end. In other words, a materialist dispositif of the multitude can only start from the primary consideration of the body and of the struggle against its exploitation.
Ad3) We talked of the multitude as the name of a power (potenza), and as genealogy and tendency, crisis and transformation, therefore this discussion leads to the metamorphosis of bodies. The multitude is a multitude of bodies; it expresses power not only as a whole but also as singularity. Each period of the history of human development (of labour, power, needs and will to change) entails singular metamorphoses of bodies. Even historical materialism entails a law of evolution: but this law is anything but necessary, linear, and unilateral; it is a law of discontinuity, leaps, and unexpected syntheses. It is Darwinian, in the good sense of the word: as the product of a Heraclitean clash and an aleatory teleology, from below; because the causes of the metamorphoses that invest the multitude as a whole and singularities as a multitude are nothing but struggles, movements and desires of transformation.
By saying this we do not wish to deny that sovereign power is capable of producing history and subjectivity. However, sovereign power is a double-face power: its production can act in the relation but cannot eliminate it. At first, sovereign power (as relation of force) can find itself confronted with the problem of an extraneous power that obstructs it. Secondly, sovereign power finds its own limit in the very relation that constitutes it and in the necessity to maintain it. Therefore, the relation presents itself to sovereignty firstly as obstacle (where sovereignty acts in the relation), secondly as limit (where sovereignty wants to eliminate the relation but does not succeed in doing so). On the other hand, the power of the multitude (of the singularities that work, act, and sometimes disobey) is capable of eliminating the sovereign relation.
We have two assertions here. The first is: ‘the production of sovereign power goes beyond the obstacle whilst not being able to eliminate the limit that consists in the relation of sovereignty’; the second is: ‘the power of the multitude can eliminate the sovereign relation because only the production of the multitude constitutes being’. These can ground the opening to an ontology of the multitude. This ontology will start being exposed when the constitution of being that is attributed to the production of the multitude will be practically determinable.
It seems possible to us, from a theoretical point of view, to develop the axiom of the ontological power of the multitude on at least three levels. The first one is that of the theories of labour where the relationship of command can be demonstrated (immanently) as groundless (insussistente): immaterial and intellectual labour, in other words knowledge do not require command in order to be cooperative and to have universal effects. On the contrary: knowledge always exceeds with respect to the (trading) values that are meant to contain it. Secondly, a demonstration can be directly provided on the ontological terrain, on that experience of the common(that requires neither command nor exploitation), which is posited as ground and presupposition of any human productive and/or reproductive expression. Language is the primary form of constitution of the common, and when living labour and language meet and define themselves as ontological machine, then the experience that founds the common is realised. Thirdly, the power of the multitude can be exposed on the terrain of the politics of postmodernity, by showing how no conditions for a free society to exist and reproduce itself are given without the spread of knowledge and the emergence of the common. In fact, freedom, as liberation from command, is materially given only by the development of the multitude and its self constitution as a social body of singularities.
At this point, I would like to reply to some of the criticisms that have been levelled against this conception of the multitude, in order to move forward in the construction of the concept.
A first set of criticisms is linked to the interpretation of Foucault and its use made in the definition of the multitude. These critics insist on the improper homology supposedly given between the classical concept of proletariat and that of multitude. Such homology, they insist, is not only ideologically dangerous (since it flattens the postmodern onto the modern: just as the authors ofSpat-modernitat dowho sustain the decadence of modernity in our time), but also metaphysically so, because it poses the multitude in a dialectical opposition against power. I completely agree with the first remark, we do not live in a ‘late modernity’, but in ‘postmodernity’: where an epochal rupture is given. I disagree with the second observation, because if we refer to Foucault, I cannot see how we can think that his notion of power excludes antagonism. On the contrary, his conception has never been circular, and in his analysis the determinations of power have never been trapped in a game of neutralisation. It is not true that the relation amongst micropowers is developed at all levels of society without institutional rupture between dominant and dominated. In Foucault, there are always material determinations, concrete meanings: there is no development that is levelled onto an equilibrium, so there is no idealist schema of historical development. If each concept is fixed in a specific archaeology, it is thenopen to a genealogy of a future unknown. The production of subjectivity in particular, however produced and determined by power, always develops resistances that open up through uncontainable dispositifs. Struggles really determine being, they constitute it, and they are always open: only biopower seeks their totalisation. In reality, Foucault’s theory presents itself as an analysis of a regional system of institutions of struggles, crossings and confrontations, and these antagonistic struggles open up on omnilateral horizons. This concerns both the surface of the relations of force and the ontology of ourselves. It is not the case to go back to an opposition (in the form of a pure exteriority) between power and the multitude, but to let the multitude, in the countless webs that constitute it and in the indefinite strategic determinations that it produces, free itself from power. Foucault denies the totalisation of power but not the possibility that insubordinate subjects endlessly multiply the ‘foyers of struggle’ and of production of being. Foucault is a revolutionary thinker; it is impossible to reduce his system to a Hobbesian epistemic mechanics of equipollent relations.
A second group of criticisms is directed against the concept of the multitude as potency and constituent power (potenza e potere costituente). The first criticism to this conception of powerful multitude is that it involves a vitalist idea of the constituent process. According to this critical point of view, the multitude as constituent power cannot, be opposed to the concept of the people as figure of constituted power: this opposition would make the name of multitude weak rather than strong, virtual rather than real. The critics who defend this point of view also assert that the multitude, once detached from the concept of the people and identified as pure power, risks of being reduced to an ethical figure (one of the two sources of ethical creativity, as seen by Bergson). Concerning this theme (but from an opposite side) the concept of the multitude is also criticised for its inability to ontologically become ‘other’ or to present a sufficient critique of sovereignty. In this critical perspective, the constituent power of the multitude is attracted by its opposite: therefore, it cannot be taken as radical expression of innovation of the real, nor as thematic signal of a free people to come. So long as the multitude does not express a radicalism of foundation that subtracts it from any dialectics with power, -they say- it will always risk being formally included in the political tradition of modernity.
Both these criticisms are insubstantial. The multitude, as power, is not a figure that is homologous and opposed to the power of exception of modern sovereignty. The constituent power of the multitude is something different, it is not only a political exception but also a historical exception, it is the product of a radical temporal discontinuity, and it is ontological metamorphosis. Then, the multitude presents itself as a powerful singularity that cannot be flattened in the Bergsonian alternative of a possible and repetitive vitalistic function; neither can it be attracted to its pressing opponent, i.e. sovereignty, because the multitude, by existing, concretely dissolves the concept of sovereignty. This existence of the multitude, does not seeks a foundation outside of itself, but only in its own genealogy. In fact, there is no longer a pure or naked foundation or an outside: these are illusions.
A third set of criticisms, of a sociological rather than philosophical character attacks the concept of multitude by defining it as ‘hypercritical drift’. We let the fortunetellers interpret what this ‘hypercritical’ means. As far the ‘drift’ is concerned, this consists in seeing the multitude as fixed in a place of refusal or rupture. As such, it is incapable of determining action, whilst destroying the very idea of acting since, by definition, starting from a place of absolute refusal, the multitude would close the possibility of relations and/or mediations with other social agents. The multitude, in this view, ends up representing a mythical proletariat or an equally mythical pure acting subjectivity. It is obvious that this criticism represents the exact opposite of the first set of criticisms. In this case, then, the response can only recall that the multitude has nothing to do with the reasoning logic dependent on the friend/enemy couple. The multitude is the ontological name of full against void, of production against parasitical survivals. The multitude does not know instrumental reason either on its outside nor for its use within. And since it is a whole of singularities, it is capable of the maximal amount of mediations and compromising constitutions within itself, when these are emblems of the common (whilst still operating, exactly as language does).
Translated by Arianna Bove. This article was published on the journal Multitudes numero 9 as ‘Pour une definition ontologique de la multitude’.(p. 36-48)
Translator’s notes:
  • [1] ‘Il giusnaturalismo moderno’
  • [2] ‘…produzione di cui vengono fatti attori gli individui…’
  • [3] potere
  • [4] potenza
  • [5] potenza
  • [6] conquistare un corpo
  • [7] potenza
  • [8] potere
  • [9] potere
  • [10] potenza
  • [11] potenza
  • [12] l’unita’ del molteplice e’ per la moltitudine la medesima del vivente ed il vivente e’ assai difficilmente sussumibile nella dialettica.

AND REMEMBER, THE KNESSET ELECTIONS SHOULD REMIND "US" OF OUR WONDERING IN THE DESERT...

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LOST


Israeli politics, internal politics, are bizarre and very confusing for the uninitiated.  There are often dozens of parties of various stripes coming and going.  Strange combinations, bedfellows, alliances and odd lists.  The system is "strictly proportional" which means the party of kosher vegans might get a seat if things work out right, but what really matters are the big power blocs...or bloc...or...

To try and sort it all out and to give you a program where you can tell the players from the has beens, the future from the past, the good, the bad, and the ugly...or the bad, the very bad, the ugly, and the very ugly I give you this   free analysis from Uri Avnery. Do with it what you will.  

Remember it can always get worse, and it usually does.

While you are at it,  think carefully the next time you shout, "Power to the People."

And pity poor Moses, the Law Giver...if you get my drift...



Cold Revenge 


“Revenge is a dish that is best eaten cold,” is a saying attributed to Stalin. I don’t know if he really said that. All the possible witnesses were executed long ago.


Anyhow, a taste for delayed revenge is not an Israeli trait. Israelis are more impulsive. More immediate. They don’t plan. They improvise.


In this respect, too, Avigdor Lieberman is not Israeli. He is Russian.

WHEN “IVET”, as he is called in Russian, selected his Knesset faction four years ago, he acted, as always, according to his mood of the moment. No nonsense about democracy, primaries and such. There is a leader, and the leader decides.

There was this very beautiful young woman from St. Petersburg, Anastassia Michaeli. Not very bright, perhaps, but good to look at during boring Knesset sessions.

Then there was this nice man with the very Russian name, Stas Misezhnikov, which no Israeli can pronounce. He is popular among the Russian immigrants. Davay, let’s take him.

And this Israeli diplomat, Danny Ayalon, may be useful if I become Foreign Secretary.

But moods pass, and people elected stay elected for four years.

The beauty turned out to be a bully, in addition to being stupid. In a public Knesset committee meeting, she stood up and poured a glass of water over an Arab member. On another occasion, she physically attacked a female Arab member on the Knesset rostrum.

The nice Russian man was rather too nice. He regularly got drunk and organized parties for his mistress abroad, expenses paid by his ministry. Even his bodyguards complained.

And the diplomat trumped the lot, when he invited journalists to witness his humiliation of the Turkish ambassador, putting him on a very low seat during a meeting. This led on to the famous Turkish Flotilla incident and did – is still doing - incalculable damage to Israel’s strategic interests. Also, Ayalon was a compulsive leaker.

Lieberman did not react to all this. He defended his people and criticized their critics, who were anyhow leftist trash.

But now has come the time to appoint Lieberman’s faction to the next Knesset, again without democratic nonsense. To their utter consternation, the three were dismissed with five minutes’ notice. All without any display of emotion. Cold. Cold.

Don’t mess with the likes of Lieberman. Any more than with Vladimir Putin and Co.

IF I were Binyamin Netanyahu, I would not worry about Abbas, Ahmadinejad, Obama, Morsi and the combined opposition in the Knesset. All I would worry about would be Lieberman, somewhere behind my back. I would worry very, very much. Every minute, every second.

Two weeks ago, two fateful things happened that may hasten the political demise of “King Bibi”. One was not of his making, the other was.

In the Likud primaries, dominated by ugly deal-making and manipulations, a new Knesset faction was selected that was almost exclusively composed of extreme rightists, including outright fascists, many of them settlers and their appointees. Against Netanyahu’s wishes, all the moderate rightists were unceremoniously booted out.

Netanyahu is, of course, an extreme rightist himself. But he likes to pose as a moderate, responsible, mature statesman. The moderates served as his alibi.

The new Likud has nothing to do with the original “revisionist” party that was its forerunner. The founder of the party some 85 years ago, Vladimir (Ze’ev) Jabotinsky, an Odessa-born and Italian-educated journalist and poet, was an extreme nationalist and very liberal democrat. He invented a special Hebrew word (“Hadar”) for the ideal Jew he envisioned: just, honest, decent, a hard fighter for his ideals but also magnanimous and generous towards his adversaries.

If Jabotinsky could view his latest heirs, he would be revolted. (He once advised Menachem Begin, one of his pupils, to jump into the river Vistula if he did not believe in the conscience of mankind.)

JUST BEFORE the Likud primaries, Netanyahu did something incredible: he made an agreement with Lieberman to combine their two election lists.

Why? His election victory already seemed assured. But Netanyahu is a compulsive tactician without a strategy. He is also a coward. He wants to play safe. With Lieberman, his majority is as sound as Fort Knox.

But what is going to happen within the fortress?

Lieberman, now No. 2, will pick for himself the most important and powerful ministry: defense. He will wait patiently, like a hunter for his prey. The joint faction will be much closer in spirit to Lieberman than to Netanyahu. Lieberman, the cold calculator, will wait until Netanyahu is compelled by international pressure to make some concessions to the Palestinians. Then he will pounce.

This week we saw the prelude. After the UN overwhelmingly recognized Palestine as a state, Netanyahu “retaliated” by announcing his plan to build 3000 new homes in the occupied Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem, the inevitable future capital of Palestine.

He emphasized his determination to fill up the area called E1, the still empty space between West Jerusalem and the giant settlement of Ma’aleh Adumim (which alone has a municipal area larger than Tel Aviv). This would in effect cut off the northern West Bank from the southern part, apart from a narrow bottleneck near Jericho.

World reaction was stronger than ever before. Undoubtedly encouraged behind the scenes by President Obama, the European countries summoned Lieberman’s ambassadors to protest the move. (Obama himself is far too cowardly to do so himself.) Angela Merkel, usually a mat under Netanyahu’s feet, warned him that Israel risked being totally isolated.

If Merkel thinks that this would intimidate Netanyahu or the Israelis at large, she is vastly mistaken. Israelis actually welcome isolation. Not because it is “splendid”, as the British used to think, but because it confirms again that the entire world is anti-Semitic, and not to be trusted. So, to hell with them.

WHAT ABOUT the other parties? I almost asked: what parties?

In Israeli politics, with their dozens of parties, what really count are the two blocs: the rightist-religious and the…well, the other one.

There is no “leftist” bloc in Israel. Leftism is now, like Oscar Wilde’s homosexuality, “the love that dares not speak its name”. Instead, everybody claims now to be “in the center”.

A seemingly small matter aroused much attention this week. Shelly Yachimovich’s Labor party has terminated its long-standing “spare votes” agreement with Meretz, and made a new one with Ya’ir Lapid’s “There is a Future”.

In the Israeli electoral system, which is strictly proportional, great care is taken that no vote is wasted. Therefore, two election lists can make a deal in advance to combine the leftover votes that remain to them after the allocation of the seats, so that one of them can obtain another. In certain situations, this additional seat can be decisive in the final division between the two major blocs.

Labor and Meretz had a natural alliance. Both were socialist. You could vote for Labor and still be satisfied that your vote may end up helping another Meretz member to get elected. Displacing this arrangement with one with another party is meaningful – especially if the other is a hollow list, devoid of serious ideas, eager to join Netanyahu’s government.

By representing nothing but the personal charm of Lapid, this party may garner some eight seats. The same goes for Tzipi Livni’s brand-new “the Movement”, cobbled together at the last moment.

Meretz is a loyal old party, saying all the right things, unblemished by corruption. Unfortunately it has the lackluster charisma of an old kettle. No exciting new faces, in an age where faces count more than ideas.

The communists are considered an “Arab” party, though they do have a Jewish candidate. Like the other two “Arab” parties, they have little clout, especially since about half the Arab citizens don’t vote at all, out of indifference or disgust.

That leaves Labor. Yachimovich has succeeded in raising her party from the half-dead and imbued it with new life. Fresh new faces enliven the election list, though some of the candidates don’t speak with each other. In the last few hours, Amir Peretz, the former Minister of Defense, left Shelly for Tzipi.

But is this the new opposition? Not if it concerns little matters like peace (a word not to be mentioned), the huge military budget (ditto), the occupation, the settlers ( Shelly likes them), the Orthodox ( Shelly likes them, too). Under pressure, Shelly concedes that she is “for the two-state solution”, but in today’s Israel that means next to nothing. More importantly, she categorically refuses to undertake not to join a Netanyahu-Lieberman coalition.

It may well turn out that the victor of the elections, six weeks from now, will be Avigdor Lieberman, the man of the cold revenge. And that will be the beginning of a new chapter altogether.

OUR BODIES AS TOXIC WASTE DUMPS, WHO WILL BE LEFT TO CLEAN THEM UP

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CAPITALISM HAS AN ANSWER
A NEW LINE OF OUTER WEAR


There was a time somewhere back in history when our bodies were not yet toxic waste dumps, but it has long passed.  The post below talks about pregnant women (but if pregnant women are full of this stuff, so is everyone else). It talks about doctors who don't get it.  It talks about class, too.

Some forget that the environment includes US.  Some forget that environmental degradation includes our bodies.

What kind of a world do we live in where such things are accepted as just part of life?  What species other than ours doesn't have the intelligence to protect itself when it can?   What kind of people have no compunction about not only poisoning those they don't even know, but their own families and children as well?

And then there are all the rest of the animals and the plants who simply have no way to fight back or to defend themselves against this evil.

The interesting thing is this article is not some radical manifesto.  I doubt the author really even gets the significance of what she is reporting.  

Nowhere in the article is capitalism mentioned.

Let me mention it here and now.

CAPITALISM KILLS.

The following is from Environmental Health News.




Most doctors don't warn pregnant patients about environmental risks

When Dr. Darragh Flynn sits down with her pregnant patients at her San Francisco office, 
she preaches healthy habits: Don’t smoke or drink, eat nutritious foods and take vitamins. 
She also advises them to avoid gasoline fumes, pesticides, certain types of fish and some 
household cleaners and cosmetics. “It's only for nine months,” she tells them. “Let someone
 else put gas in the car.” But Flynn is in the minority. A new nationwide survey of 2,600
 obstetricians and gynecologists found that most do not warn their pregnant patients about
 chemicals in food, consumer products or the environment that could endanger their fetuses. 
More than half said they don’t warn about mercury, and hardly any of them give advice about
 lead, pesticides, air pollution or chemicals in plastics or cosmetics. Many doctors say their
 priority is to protect pregnant women from more immediate dangers, and that warning 
them about environmental risks may create undue anxiety. Some say they don't feel
 confident in their ability to discuss the topics. “As a society, we have a lot of work to 
do in terms of informing women of dangers,” said Dr. Naomi Stotland, lead investigator 
for the survey.

Damien Cansse/flickr
By Jane Kay
Environmental Health News
Dec. 10, 2012

SAN FRANCISCO – When Dr. Darragh Flynn sits down with her pregnant patients, she preaches healthy habits: Don’t smoke or drink, eat nutritious foods and take vitamins.

.
She also  advises them to avoid gasoline fumes, pesticides, certain types of fish and some household cleaners and cosmetics.

“It's only for nine months,” she tells them. “Let someone else put gas in the car.”

But Flynn is in the minority. A new nationwide survey of 2,600 obstetricians and gynecologists found that most do not warn their pregnant patients about chemicals in food, consumer products or the environment that could endanger their fetuses. More than half said they don’t warn about mercury, and hardly any of them give advice about lead, pesticides, air pollution or chemicals in plastics or cosmetics.

Many doctors say their priority is to protect pregnant women from more immediate dangers, and that warning them about environmental risks may create undue anxiety. Some say they don't feel confident in their ability to discuss the topics.

“We're worrying about pre-term labor, obesity and hypertension,” said Dr. Jeanne A. Conry, an ob/gyn at Kaiser Permanente in Roseville, Calif., and incoming president of a national medical society. “Obesity trumps almost everything. We put our time and energy there, and don't dwell on some of the other things we should be aware of.”

More than 100 chemicals

Virtually all pregnant women have chemicals in their bodies that might harm fetal development.

Monitoring of pregnant women found about 100 different chemicals, with 43 of them in all women tested. Lead, mercury, toluene, perchlorate, bisphenol A, flame retardants, perfluorinated compounds, organochlorine pesticides and phthalates are among the chemicals, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's nationwide testing program. 

Studies suggest that for many these compounds, low-level exposures in the womb seem to disrupt development of the brain or reproductive systems. Others may raise the risk of birth defects, or lead to cancer, immune problems, asthma, fertility problems or other disorders later in life.

Yet that information is not reaching most women who are pregnant or may become pregnant.

.
Almost all of the doctors in the new, nationwide survey, conducted by University of California, San Francisco researchers, said they routinely discussed smoking, alcohol, diet and weight gain. Eighty-six percent also said they discuss workplace hazards, and 68 percent warn about second-hand smoke.

“We're worrying about pre-term labor, obesity and hypertension. Obesity trumps almost everything. We put our time and energy there, and don't dwell on some of the other things we should be aware of.” -Dr. Jeanne A. Conry, Kaiser Permanente  But only 19 percent said they talk to their pregnant patients about pesticides and only 12 percent discuss air pollution. Forty-four percent said they routinely discussed mercury with pregnant women. Eleven percent said they mention volatile organic compounds, which are fumes emitted by gasoline, paints and solvents.

Even fewer physicians warned their patients about two chemicals in consumer products that are often in the news: bisphenol A (BPA) at 8 percent and phthalates at 5 percent. Nine percent of the doctors told their patients about polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), industrial compounds often found in fish.

The results show a disconnect between environmental health research and what the physicians do – and do not – tell their patients, said Patrice Sutton, a research scientist at University of California, San Francisco's Program on Reproductive Health and the Environment who helped design the survey. The goal of the study, which was discussed at a recent conference but is not yet published, was to try to break down obstacles that keep health messages from pregnant women.

For instance, even though the dangers of mercury are well established, only four out of every 10 doctors said they discuss the contamination with pregnant women.

Since 2004, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and the Food and Drug Administration have warned pregnant women to avoid eating high-mercury fish such as swordfish and shark and to limit consumption of albacore tuna. In addition, the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists issues statements to its members on the importance of patients avoiding mercury in fish.

Yet an estimated 300,000 newborns each year – one out of every 14 – are exposed to levels of methylmercury that exceed the guidelines that the EPA set to avoid neurological effects in fetuses. Mercury in the womb has been tied to reduced IQs and other effects on developing brains.
Dr. Naomi Stotland said warnings over mercury could result in women eating less fish, which is a low-calorie protein rich in omega-3 fatty acids critical for a baby’s brain development.


“Mercury in fish is a tricky one,” said Stotland, who practices at San Francisco General Hospital and was lead investigator on the survey. “Fish is such a good protein source for women, and they're probably not eating enough of it. I give out printed materials that direct them to fish with lower levels of mercury,” such as sardines, herring, pollock, shrimp and scallops.

“Most of my patients don't even read food labels. Are they carrying around the fish list? I worry, and I know other colleagues worry, that women will replace fish with processed hamburger. I don't think it's such a simple message.”

Dr. Jane Hightower, who practices internal medicine in San Francisco, agreed that the warnings are confusing but said ob/gyns should take more time to learn about food and contaminants.

“Most of my patients don't ask me about environmental exposures. They don't ask about cosmetic products, bisphenol A or organic foods. Most don't have high-speed Internet access, and don't read articles and get alerts.” -Dr. Naomi Stotland, San Francisco General Hospital  “To make ends meet, there are too many patients crammed into the schedule. Food science literature and environmental toxicant literature are difficult to sort out, and the doctors are not being taught about nutrition or contaminants in school,” said Hightower, who has authored a book and several scientific journals reports about unhealthful levels of mercury in fish.

Despite evidence that environmental factors contribute to many health problems, medical students report fewer than six hours of environmental health training, according to University of Texas School of Medicine researchers.

“The whole medical establishment needs to look at themselves and start evaluating old practices that might not be so safe for the patient in the long run," Hightower said.

Class differences

Flynn holds pre-pregnancy counseling sessions with her patients, who are mostly middle-to-upper class women living in San Francisco. She gets a lot of questions about environmental chemicals, sometimes from prospective mothers and sometimes from the mothers of young patients. She said the role of the ob/gyn is changing as environmental chemicals are gaining more attention as agents of defects and disease.

Despite evidence that environmental factors contribute to many health problems, medical students report fewer than six hours of environmental health training, according to University of Texas School of Medicine researchers.Twenty-five years ago, “people were not quite as cognizant. Now they ask for the resource, or a reputable web site. Before the internet that was not an option,” she said.

Flynn goes further than most by telling women they can reduce BPA exposure by not buying canned foods and beverages with resin liners, and that they can avoid cosmetics and plastics containing chemicals called phthalates.



In contrast, at San Francisco General Hospital, Stotland sees low-income patients on California's Medicaid program. Stotland doesn't get the questions that Flynn often encounters.

“Most of my patients don't ask me about environmental exposures. They don't ask about cosmetic products, bisphenol A or organic foods. Most don't have high-speed Internet access, and don't read articles and get alerts.”

Many of her patients clean buildings and houses or work in nail salons, and struggle with staying away from harmful chemicals. She encourages individual solutions such as cooking at home and avoiding processed foods packaged in plastic. She's trying to push baking soda and vinegar instead of toxic cleaning products.

Even though Stotland's patients are low income and probably at higher risk, she said she wasn't talking to them about environmental health until recently. Many doctors in the response comments of the survey said they were concerned about making patients feel overly anxious.

“The social circumstances are so burdensome. Some colleagues think the patients are already worried about paying rent, getting deported or their partner being incarcerated,” Stotland said.

Some doctors urge stronger role

There are many scientific uncertainties about the dangers to fetuses, so clinicians can only proceed with caution.

For example, Conry said there is a lot of research on the effects of BPA, particularly in lab animals, but doctors don’t know how to interpret the results. “So, it hasn't resulted in a change in practice patterns.” Research on environmental chemicals is difficult for clinicians to understand because it differs from what they are used to with pharmaceuticals, she said.

Almost every obstetrician and gynecologist has a desk reference for pharmaceuticals, she said, but “it doesn't have any sections on environmental toxicants. There isn't an easy resource for physicians to use.”

“In the case of pharmaceuticals, the onus is on the pharmaceutical company to do the research with toxicity testing, randomized control trials and post-exposure observational studies," Conry said. "With environmental chemicals, the manufacturer puts out a product, and the onus is on the regulatory bodies, environmental groups and lay public to find problems and study the effects.”

Conry, who will become president of the American Congress of Obstetrics and Gynecologists in May, urges a stronger role for physicians. She is co-author of apaper with Stotland, Sutton and four others concluding that physicians should intervene as early as possible to help women prevent harmful exposures.

For the first time a year ago, the ob/gyn society stepped into a policy-influencing role in environmental health issues. Its president, James N. Martin, wrote a letter to the EPA urging the agency to consider links between prenatal exposure to the insecticide chlorpyrifos and birth defects before deciding whether to ban agricultural uses. 


In the new survey, 89 percent of the doctors said guidelines from the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists would be the most helpful in gaining information on environmental health.

“As a society, we have a lot of work to do both in terms of informing women of dangers and helping them find alternative jobs when they're pregnant,” Stotland said. “This is society's job. Clinicians can't fix the problems in their offices.”

To read advice for pregnant women, try these websites:
http://www.gotmercury.org


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THE MAHALLA SOVIET

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THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD SAYS THIS NEVER HAPPENED
AND THESE PEOPLE SIMPLY DO NOT EXIST


Busy day leaves me no time to blah blah about my post below.  Let me just say that we are all aware of what has been going on in Egypt the past several weeks, but are we all aware on last Friday, as Workers' Liberty reports:


thousands of protesters in the industrial city of Mahalla al-Kubra were reported
 to have announced the city “independent”, and planned a “revolutionary council”. 

 
“We no longer belong to the Ikhwani [Brotherhood] state”. 

The protesters or insurgents seized the City Council building and blocked roads into and out of the city.

Mahalla is known for its clashes with the police in 2008 which some analysts consider to be the spark of the January 25 2011 revolution.

Seems a pretty significant thing for me to miss.



As Arab News Blog reports:



Most Westerners have probably never heard of Mahalla, or al-Mahallat al-Kubra, but it’s of the most important industrial cities in Egypt, the center of the country’s huge textile industry. You probably own some shirts or sheets or bathrobes made in Egypt; odds are,they were made in Mahalla.

It’s a big place. (In fact, that’s pretty much what “al-Mahallat al-Kubra” means: the Big Place. That may contribute to its anonymity.) Perhaps half a million people today. And for all those people who are arguing over whether the Egyptian Revolution is a revolution of Islamists led by the Muslim Brotherhood or a Revolution of liberal intellectuals led by a bunch of young folk with Facebook and Twitter accounts, the workers in the textile mills of Mahalla are convinced it’s a revolution of an oppressed proletariat. And what’s more, they think it started in 2006. And they sure don’t think it’s over.

Indeed from 2006 onward, and really picking up momentum in 2008, Mahalla has been wracked by labolr activism, general strikes, and worker-management and worker-security forces clashes, and some of the inspiration for the later Egyptian Revolution took spark from the Mahalla strikes, most notably the April 6 movement.

Throughout the post-fall-of-Mubarak era, Islamists and liberals have fought constantly over politics and religion, while the economy has drifted steadily downward. Many political forces give lip service to the plight of Egyptian industrial workers, but no one has done anything effective. The real revolution may be yet to come, and the powers in office whether Muslim Brothers or liberals, will be held responsible,

Not wanting to sound like a Marxist here, but the day may yet come when last Friday’s odd little declaration of an autonomous workers’ soviet in Mahalla may not seem quite so humorous.

Maybe we don't hear about things like this because this is not the type of "Arab Spring" the Empire has in mind.  Know what I mean?  Wouldn't be prudent for the Empire to allow ideas like this to spread around to other parts of the world.  

But what do I know anyway?

The following report is from the Egypt Independent.


IN OPPOSITION TO MORSY, MAHALLA DECLARES 

AUTONOMY





Mahalla — The “Independent Republic of Greater Mahalla” was declared by thousands of angry locals on 7 December, following bloody clashes in the city’s center on 27 November between supporters and opponents of President Mohamed Morsy.
This newly “independent city” does not have its own national flag and it maintains the national anthem. While it opposes the Muslim Brotherhood and its sponsored draft constitution, the “Republic of Mahalla” does not have its own constitution either — at least not yet.
The so-called republic is not a secessionist movement from Egypt, but rather a gesture expressing opposition to Morsy’s regime and the Brotherhood from which he hails. The declaration took place amid mounting opposition in Egypt to Morsy’s rule following a series of decisions that were perceived as an attempt by Islamists to hegemonize power in the country.
While it was born in a town where dissidence is customary, the move also further crystallized how dominant local politics has become.
Rising opposition to Morsy
The “new republic” was declared by a few thousand unionized workers, along with opposition and independent activists who unilaterally announced their independence outside the Mahalla City Council late last week.
The move was prompted following violent clashes last week between Brotherhood supporters and their opposition.
Sayed Habib, a labor-rights activist at the Center for Trade Union and Workers’ Services in Mahalla city, explained that “workers became interested in the idea of independence after Morsy granted himself wide-reaching powers through his ‘constitutional declaration’,” which he issued on 22 November, “followed by his interventionist labor decree,” which was issued three days later.
The decree was criticized for pushing for Brotherhood hegemony over trade unions, by removing members over the age of 60 from the Egyptian Trade Union Federation and replacing them with appointed members.
Habib explained that about 5,000 workers who had finished their evening shift at the massive Misr Spinning and Weaving Company marched on to Shon Square, protesting at what they perceived to be Morsy’s power grab.
Habib said that when they arrived at the square, they found hundreds of Morsy supporters waiting for them — primarily Brotherhood members and their sympathizers.
“While we outnumbered them, a number of these pro-Morsy thugs were carrying shotguns and Molotov [cocktails], which they used against us,” he said.
Other workers and activists who had participated in this march said birdshot, firebombs, rocks and fireworks were used against them.
Videos taken around Shon Square appear to verify the use of these weapons. The videos also show anti-Morsy protesters fighting back with rocks, Molotov cocktails and fireworks. These clashes left more than 350 injured, with some putting that number at more than 700 on 27 November.
Further polarizing the two camps was the issuing of the new draft constitution on 30 November, which opponents claim was hastily prepared and rushed through the Constituent Assembly, dominated by the Brotherhood and other Islamists.
The fatal clashes around the presidential palace in Cairo on 5 – 6 December between Brotherhood loyalists and opposition protesters also influenced Mahalla’s move toward independence. Those clashes left at least eight dead and more than 700 others injured.
Speaking at Shon Square in honor of this “newly autonomous” city on 9 December, Ahmed Hassan al-Borai, ex-minister of manpower, announced Mahallans would “not be terrorized by the Brotherhood’s militias.” Borai added that the draft constitution “deprives women of their constitutional rights. It serves to deny 50 percent of Egyptian society their basic rights.”
Alaa al-Bahlawan of the liberal opposition Constitution Party also declared Mahalla’s independence from Morsy’s “corrupt rule.”
“We support this declaration of independence and aspire to see Mahalla leading and safeguarding the 25 January revolution,” he announced.
Addressing an audience of more than 1,000 city residents who had congregated in the square, Fathy Abdel Hamid of the Independent Federation of Pensioners joined the declaration.
“We are not here to merely denounce the Muslim Brotherhood and their draft constitution,” he announced. “We are here to declare that we will not tolerate rulers who bleed us in order to remain in power.”
Angry chants shook the square, with protesters shouting slogans such as “Down with the rule of the supreme guide,” referring to the Brotherhood’s leader, and “Raise your head high, you are a Mahallan!”  
Anti-Morsy Mahallans spray-painted graffiti on walls across the city reading “Mahalla is a Brotherhood-free zone,” while other street art and murals denounced the “Muslim Brotherhood’s draft constitution.”
Another guest speaker, veteran opposition organizer George Ishaq, described Mahalla as “a citadel of freedom” and added that he would be honored to be a citizen of this independent entity. 
“[The Brothers] are leading us toward a fascist state,” he said. “We cannot and will not accept fascism.”
Yet another guest speaker, Kamal Abbas, chief of the Egyptian Democratic Labor Congress, shouted, “They want us to be slaves, not free men and women. Their draft constitution seeks to impose child labor and forced labor, and also seeks to outlaw independent trade unions.
“Mahalla is now leading the Egyptian revolution,” he concluded. “Mahalla has been liberated.”
Mahalla’s nominal act of independence, however, is largely symbolic, and has no real administrative effect severing it from the Egyptian state. Many residents do not recognize the act, while others openly reject such calls.
Mohamed Youssef, a teacher passing by Shon Square during the rally on 9 December, commented, “I don’t support these insane calls for independence. This is merely an effort organized by a few thugs aimed at weakening Egypt’s national unity.”
Following the rally, hundreds of protesters marched to the Mahalla City Council and again declared their independence. Dozens of veiled women led chants against “Morsy’s subjugation of women” and “Muslim Brotherhood rule.”
Upon arriving at Mahalla City Council, the protesters began chanting “Long live Egypt,” and then sang the national anthem.
Parking his Vespa to inspect the scene, a passer-by commented, “I thought these people had broken off from Egypt. Why are they singing the national anthem?
“I assume we still don’t have our own currency and passports here?” he added.
A history of dissidence
Referred to as the “Industrial Citadel of the Nile Delta,” Mahalla al-Kubra is located some 120 kilometers north of Cairo, in Gharbiya Governorate.
“The Autonomous City of Mahalla” or “the Republic of Mahalla” is not the first of its sort. “The Republic of Zefta,” a town also located in Gharbiya, emerged during the 1919 Revolution against Britain’s protectorate over Egypt.
However, unlike Zefta, the “Independent Republic of Mahalla” does not have a central revolutionary council or any real administrative autonomy from the Egyptian state.  
“This is not the same as the Zefta republic,” Mahalla cab driver Wael Noaman said. “We are not under occupation or colonization, like we were under the British. This is a dangerous precedent that could lead to other Egyptian peoples and cities declaring independence from Egypt.”
Noaman went on to say that as the country was under Brotherhood occupation, their occupiers would still be Egyptian.
“If Morsy or his men mess up, then we can oppose them or even overthrow them, like [former President Hosni] Mubarak.”
In more recent history following the 25 January revolution, the village of Tahseen declared administrative autonomy in September. Located in the Nile Delta governorate of Daqahlia, Tahseen residents responded to a water utilities crisis by not paying taxes or utility bills and embarking on a localized civil disobedience campaign.
Activists in the “Independent Republic of Mahalla” have said they will also embark on campaigns of civil disobedience, like the residents of Tahseen. But other than briefly blocking the Tanta-Mahalla highway and a railroad leading to the city on 7 December, not much has been seen here in terms of civil disobedience.
Mahalla’s significance as a city of resistance predates this experimental “Independent Republic.” In December 2006, Mahalla’s publicly owned Misr Spinning and Weaving Company — Egypt’s largest, with a workforce of some 20,000 — launched an historic strike that resulted in an unprecedented wave of strikes throughout Egypt from 2007 to 2008.
Another strike at the Misr Spinning and Weaving Company, planned for 6 April 2008, was thwarted by state security, which arrested strike leaders and threatened workers back into production.
Nevertheless, a localized popular uprising erupted throughout the city on 6 and 7 April of that year. Portraits of the then-President Hosni Mubarak were smashed and the local headquarters of his National Democratic Party was attacked as throngs of protesters chanted anti-regime slogans.
That anti-Mubarak uprising in Mahalla is commonly seen as one of the precursors to the 25 January revolution.  
“This city resisted and confronted the previous dictatorship. It helped to bring down Mubarak,” said independent youth activist Mohamed Abdel Azim. “We are now refusing Morsy’s dictatorship, and we will topple him if necessary.”



MAYBE WHEN IT IS YOUR CHILD, BROTHER, SISTER, MOTHER, FATHER, LOVED ONE GUNNED DOWN, MAYBE THEN YOU WILL GET IT

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YOU WANT TO EXPLAIN TO THAT CHILD WHY YOU JUST HAVE TO OWN
AN AUTOMATIC WEAPON, A HAND GUN, AN ASSAULT RIFLE?

Just some thoughts today.

I can't just ignore this crap any longer.  Around thirty people, most of them grade school children, murdered in an elementary school this morning by some bastard with a couple of guns.  This is where we are in America, home of the cowards and land of the insane.  

I'll start out by admitting that even though I personally cannot own a firearm, I have always supported the right to own them by private citizens.  That said, we can't go on like this.  There are so many guns out there now, I am not sure what we can do about them, but we can do something about the future.  There are alternatives.  How about the right to own a shot gun or one long gun for hunting...no automatic weapons, no assault rifles, no hand guns.  It would, at least, be more difficult to march into a grade school with a shot gun, not impossible, I suppose, but more difficult.  It would be far more difficult to kill masses of people if you had to keep reloading.  Throw in a restriction on ammunition while you are at it and stiffen the laws already on the books and how about REAL background checks. 

I know some of my friends on the far left will say we need arms to defend ourselves against the STATE and their police...and more.  Well, lets face it my friends, if it comes to hand to hand combat with the STATE, the military, the police, we aren't going anywhere fast.  Dig it!  Again, we aren't going to outgun the STATE no matter what...and  revolution isn't a matter of who has the most guns anyway.  We can defend ourselves against individual situations with a shot gun or a hunting rifle.  

As for the NRA types and all their inane arguments, stuff em up your collective asses is all I have to say.

I am sick and tired of turning on the TV and seeing another slaughter.  Yeah, yeah, you can kill people with a knife, with your bare hands, but it is a hell of a lot tougher and it is virtually impossible to kill thirty people at once that way, don't you think.

As for the guns on the street, I don't know.  Maybe just quit selling ammunition for the handguns and the assault rifles and the automatics.  

I don't claim to have the, or maybe, any answers.  I am well aware that society, capitalism, mental health issues,  and all the rest play a big role in all of this.  Okay, fine.  We have work to do, but can't we also come up with some ideas to stop the damn gun slaughter, and I am not just talking about mass shootings.  I am also talking about all the regular old, everyday, shootings and killings happening down the block, across the street, or in your house.  

It has got to end.

It is obvious the politicians aren't ever going to do anything, so it is up to us, the multitude to do something and do it today.

Enough is freaking enough!

CAPITAL AND THE PLANETARY EMERGENCY

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TAKE A LAST LOOK


This post is pretty damn long, but it is a pretty damn interesting analysis as well...and it is Theoretical Weekends after all.

It is right out of the Monthly Review.


The Planetary Emergency 
John Bellamy Foster and Brett Clark    more on Economics, Environment/Science, Marxist Ecology
John Bellamy Foster is the editor of Monthly Review and professor of sociology at the University of Oregon. Brett Clark is assistant professor of sociology at the University of Utah.
Capitalism today is caught in a seemingly endless crisis, with economic stagnation and upheaval circling the globe.1 But while the world has been fixated on the economic problem, global environmental conditions have been rapidly worsening, confronting humanity with its ultimate crisis: one of long-term survival. The common source of both of these crises resides in the process of capital accumulation. Likewise the common solution is to be sought in a “revolutionary reconstitution of society at large,” going beyond the regime of capital.2
It is still possible for humanity to avert what economist Robert Heilbroner once called “ecological Armageddon.”3 The means for the creation of a just and sustainable world currently exist, and are to be found lying hidden in the growing gap between what could be achieved with the resources already available to us, and what the prevailing social order allows us to accomplish. It is this latent potential for a quite different human metabolism with nature that offers the master-key to a workable ecological exit strategy.
The Approaching Ecological Precipice
Science today tells us that we have a generation at most in which to carry out a radical transformation in our economic relations, and our relations with the earth, if we want to avoid a major tipping point or “point of no return,” after which vast changes in the earth’s climate will likely be beyond our ability to prevent and will be irreversible.4 At that point it will be impossible to stop the ice sheets in Antarctica and Greenland from continuing to melt, and thus the sea level from rising by as much as “tens of meters.”5 Nor will we be able to prevent the Arctic sea ice from vanishing completely in the summer months, or carbon dioxide and methane from being massively released by the decay of organic matter currently trapped beneath the permafrost—both of which would represent positive feedbacks dangerously accelerating climate change. Extreme weather events will become more and more frequent and destructive. An article in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences demonstrated that the record-breaking heat wave that hit the Moscow area in 2010 with disastrous effect was made five times more likely, in the decade ending in that year as compared with earlier decades, due to the warming trend, implying “an approximate 80% probability” that it “would not have occurred without climate warming.” Other instances of extreme weather such as the deadly European heat wave in 2003 and the serious drought in Oklahoma and Texas in 2011, have been shown to be connected to earth warming. Hurricane Sandy, which devastated much of New York and New Jersey at the end of October 2012, was impacted and amplified to a considerable extent by climate change.6
The point of irreversible climate change is usually thought of as a 2°C (3.6°F) increase in global average temperature, which has been described as equivalent at the planetary level to the “cutting down of the last palm tree” on Easter Island. An increase of 2°C in global average temperature coincides roughly with cumulative carbon emissions of around one trillion metric tons. Based on past emissions trends it is predicted by climate scientists at Oxford University that we will hit the one trillion metric ton mark in 2043, or thirty-one years from now. We could avoid emitting the trillionth metric ton if we were to reduce our carbon emissions beginning immediately by an annual rate of 2.4 percent a year.7
To be sure, climate science is not exact enough to pinpoint precisely how much warming will push us past a planetary tipping point.8 But all the recent indications are that if we want to avoid planetary disaster we need to stay considerably below 2°C. As a result, almost all governments have signed on to staying below 2°C as a goal at the urging of the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. More and more, 2°C has come to symbolize the reality of a planetary point of no return. In this sense, all the discussions of what the climate will be like if the world warms to 3°C, or all the way to 6°C, are relatively meaningless.9 Before such temperatures are attained, we will have already reached the limits of our ability to control the climate- change process, and we will then be left with the task of adapting to apocalyptic ecological conditions. Already Arctic sea ice experienced a record melt in the summer of 2012 with some scientists predicting an ice-free Arctic in the summer as early as 2016–2020. In the words of James Hansen, the world’s leading climatologist, we are facing a “planetary emergency”—since if we approach 2°C “we will have started a process that is out of humanity’s control.”10
Given all of this, actually aiming for the one trillion metric ton mark in cumulative carbon emissions, or a 2°C increase in global temperature, would be courting long-term disaster. Some prominent climate analysts have proposed a target of staying below 750 billion cumulative metric tons of carbon—estimated to provide a 75 percent chance of staying below the climate-change tipping point. At current rates of carbon emissions it is calculated that we will reach the 750 billion metric tons mark in 2028, or sixteen years. We could avoid emitting the 750 billionth metric ton if we were to reduce our carbon emissions beginning immediately at an average annual rate of 5.3 percent.11 To get some perspective on this, the Stern Review on The Economics of Climate Change issued by the British government in 2007, which is generally seen as representing the progressive side of the carbon debate, argued that a reduction in emissions of more than a 1 percent annual rate would generate a severe crisis for the capitalist economy and hence was unthinkable.12
Many thought that the Great Financial Crisis would result in a sharp curtailment of carbon emissions, helping to limit global warming. Carbon emissions dipped by 1.4 percent in 2009, but this brief decline was more than offset by a record 5.9 percent growth of carbon emissions in 2010, even as the world economy as a whole continued to stagnate. This rapid increase has been attributed primarily to the increasing fossil-fuel intensity of the world economy, and to the continued expansion of emerging economies, notably China.13
In an influential article published in Nature Climate Change, “Asymmetric Effects of Economic Decline on CO2 Emissions,” Richard York used data for over 150 countries between 1960 and 2008 to demonstrate that carbon dioxide emissions do not decline in the same proportion in an economic downturn as they increase in an economic upturn. Thus for each 1 percent in the growth of GDP per capita, carbon emissions grew by 0.733 percent, whereas for each 1 percent drop in GDP, carbon emissions fell by only 0.430 percent. These asymmetric effects can be attributed to built-in infrastructural conditions—factories, transportation networks, and homes—meaning that these structures do not disappear during recessions and continue to influence fossil-fuel consumption. It follows of necessity that a boom-and-bust economic system cannot reduce carbon emissions; that can only be achieved by an economy that reduces such emissions on a steady basis along with changes in the infrastructure of production and society in general.14
Indeed, there is reason to believe that there is a strong pull on capitalism in its current monopoly-finance phase to seek out more fossil-fuel intensive forms of production the more deeply it falls into the stagnation trap, resulting in repeated attempts to restart the growth engine by, in effect, giving it more gas. According to the Low Carbon Index, the carbon intensity of world production fell by 0.8 percent in 2009, and by 0.7 percent in 2010. However, in 2011 the carbon intensity of world production rose by 0.6 percent. “The economic recovery, where it has occurred, has been dirty.”15 The notion that a stagnant-prone capitalist growth economy (what Herman Daly calls a “failed growth economy”) would be even more intensively destructive of the environment was a thesis advanced as early as 1976 by the pioneering Marxist environmental sociologist Charles H. Anderson. As Anderson put it, “as the threat of stagnation mounts, so does the need for throughput in order to maintain tolerable growth rates.”16
The hope of many that peak crude oil production and the end of cheap oil would serve to limit carbon emissions has also proven false. It is clear that in the age of enhanced worldwide coal production, fracking, and tar sands oil there is no shortage of carbon with which to heat up the planet. Today’s known stocks of oil, coal, and gas reserves are at least five times the planet’s remaining carbon budget, amounting to 2.8 gigatons in carbon potential, and the signs are that the capitalist system intends to burn it all.17 As Bill McKibben observed in relation to these fossil-fuel reserves: “Yes, this coal and oil is still technically in the soil. But it’s already economically aboveground.”18 Corporations and governments count these carbon resources as financial assets, which means they are intended for exploitation. Not too long ago environmentalists were worried about the world running out of fossil fuels (especially crude oil); now this has been inverted by climate-change concerns.
As bad as the climate crisis is, however, it is important to understand that it is only a part of the larger global ecological crisis—since climate change is merely one among a number of dangerous rifts in planetary boundaries arising from human transformations of the earth. Ocean acidification, destruction of the ozone layer, species extinction, the disruption of the nitrogen and phosphorus cycles, growing fresh water shortages, land-cover change, and chemical pollution all represent global ecological transformations/crises. Already we have crossed the planetary boundaries (designated by scientists based on departure from Holocene conditions) not only in relation to climate change, but also with respect to species extinction and the nitrogen cycle. Species extinction is occurring at about a thousand times the “background rate,” a phenomenon known as the “sixth extinction” (referring back to the five previous periods of mass extinctions in earth history—the most recent of which, 65 million years ago, resulted in the extinction of the dinosaurs). Nitrogen pollution now constitutes a major cause of dead zones in oceans. Other developing planetary rifts, such as ocean acidification (known as the “evil twin” of climate change since it is also caused by carbon emissions), and chronic loss of freshwater supplies, which is driving the global privatization of water, are of growing concern. All of this raises basic questions of survival: the ultimate crisis confronting humanity.19
The Ultimate Crisis
The scale and speed of the emerging ecological challenge, manifested not only in climate change but also in numerous other planetary rifts, constitutes irrefutable evidence that the root cause of the environmental problem lies in our socioeconomic system, and particularly in the dynamic of capital accumulation.
Faced with such intractable problems, the response of the dominant interests has always been that technology, supplemented by market magic and population control, can solve all problems, allowing for unending capital accumulation and economic growth without undue ecological effects by means of an absolute decoupling of growth from environmental throughput. Thus, when asked about the problems posed by fossil fuels (including tar sands oil, shale oil and gas, and coal) President Obama responded: “All of us are going to have to work together in an effective way to figure out how we balance the imperative of economic growth with very real concerns about the effect we’re having on our planet. And ultimately I think this can be solved with technology.”20
Yet, the dream that technology alone, considered in some abstract sense, can solve the environmental problem, allowing for unending economic growth without undue ecological effects through an absolute decoupling of one from the other, is quickly fading.21 Not only are technological solutions limited by the laws of physics, namely the second law of thermodynamics (which tells us, for example, that free and complete recycling is impossible), but they are also subject to the laws of capitalism itself.22 Technological change under the present system routinely brings about relative efficiency gains in energy use, reducing the energy and raw material input per unit of output. Yet, this seldom results in absolute decreases in environmental throughput at the aggregate level; rather the tendency is toward the ever-greater use of energy and materials. This is captured by the well-known Jevons paradox, named after the nineteenth-century economist William Stanley Jevons. Jevons pointed out that gains in energy efficiency almost invariably increase the absolute amount of energy used, since such efficiency feeds economic expansion. Jevons highlighted how each new steam engine from Watt’s famous engine on was more efficient in its use of coal than the one before, yet the introduction of each improved steam engine nonetheless resulted in a greater absolute use of coal.23
In reality the Jevons paradox as originally conceived is merely a restrictive application of the efficiency paradox of capitalism in general. Gains in labor productivity, for example, do not generally lead to less overall total labor time spent in production, since the object of all such gains is to promote further accumulation. As Marx remarked, the lessening of toil is “by no means the aim of the application of machinery under capitalism…. The machine is a means for producing surplus-value” and enhancing capital accumulation without end.24
Marx captured the expansive nature and logic of capitalism as a system in what he called “the general formula of capital,” or M-C-M′. In a simple commodity economy, money exists merely as an intermediary to facilitate exchange between distinct commodities associated with definite use values, or C-M-C. The exchange begins with one use value and ends with another, with the consumption of the final commodity constituting the end of the process. Capitalism, however, takes the form of M-C-M′, with money (M) being exchanged for labor and material means of production with which to produce a new commodity (C), to be exchanged for more money (M′), which realizes the original value plus added value, i.e., surplus value or profit (M + Δ m). Here the process does not logically end with the receipt of M′. Rather the profit is reinvested so that it leads in the next phase to M-C-M′′, and then to M-C-M′′′, in an unending sequence only interrupted by periodic economic crises. Capital in this conception is nothing but self-expanding value, and is indistinguishable from the drive to accumulate on an ever-increasing scale: “Accumulate, accumulate! That is Moses and the prophets!”25
This ceaseless drive for the amassing of greater and greater wealth, requiring more and more consumption of energy and resources, and generating more waste, constitutes “the absolute general law of environmental degradation under capitalism.”26 Today the scale of the human economy has become so large that its everyday activities, such as carbon dioxide emissions and freshwater use, now threaten the fundamental biogeochemical processes of the planet.
Ecological analysis points quite irrefutably to the fact that we are up against the earth’s limits. Not only is continued exponential economic growth no longer possible for any length of time, but also it is necessary to reduce the ecological footprint of the world economy. And since there is no such thing as an absolute decoupling of the economy from ecological consumption this means the size of the world economy must also not increase; instead, it must decrease in size.27 On top of this and reinforcing this dilemma, the world economy must wean itself entirely from fossil fuels as an energy source—before the one trillion metric ton (and hopefully before the 750 billionth metric ton) of carbon is emitted into the atmosphere. Yet without the subsidy of fossil fuels a continuation of world-capitalist-industrial economy in its present form will prove impossible.28
Monopoly Capital and a “Prosperous Way Down”
In order to understand why the ecological problem is so intractable for capitalism, and what this tells us about the necessary exit from our present planetary emergency, it is useful to look at a passage by Monthly Review editors Harry Magdoff and Paul Sweezy, written almost forty years ago, but well worth examining at length today:
Take…the deep-seated faith that increasing production and productivity are the sovereign panacea for all the ills of capitalism…. It is clear that this myth has been severely shaken as we have become aware of growing shortages of raw materials and energy sources and of the increasingly severe impact of multifarious forms of pollution on the health and well-being of whole populations. Instead of a universal panacea, it turns out that growth is itself a cause of disease. But how is one to stop growth and yet keep capitalist enterprise afloat? In the absence of growth, for example, industries that produce machinery and other means of production would wither, since they would be confined to making only replacement equipment. Declining capital goods industries in turn would result in reduced employment and thus declining consumer demand, which in turn would end up in shutdowns of factories manufacturing consumer goods.
But this is only one side of the picture. Suppose we forget about trying to control growth and instead focus on abating the effects of growth by reducing pollution and arranging for a more rational use of raw materials and energy. Such an approach, it is clear, would entail a high degree of social planning: nothing less than a wholesale redirection of the economy involving, among other things, changes in population distribution, methods of transportation, and plant locations—none of which can be subjected to real social planning without violating the rights of private property in land, factories, stocks and bonds, etc.
From whichever side the problem is approached—controlling growth or restructuring existing production, transportation, and residential patterns—we come up against antagonisms and conflicts of interest that capitalists and those charged with protecting capitalist society cannot, in the very nature of the case, face up to. In the final analysis, what stands in the way of any effective action is the contradiction between the social potential of present-day technology and the antisocial results of private ownership of the means of production.29
Despite the fact that the environmental problems are immeasurably worse than when the above was written, this analysis has lost none of its relevance. It is even more evident that growth, rather than being “a universal panacea,” is “a cause of disease.” Today “what is essential for success is a reversal, not a mere slowing down, of the underlying trends of the last few centuries.”30 Nevertheless, where capitalism is concerned, expansion is a requirement for the existence of the system itself. “Capitalism,” as Murray Bookchin observed, “can no more be ‘persuaded’ to limit growth than a human being can be ‘persuaded’ to stop breathing. Attempts to ‘green’ capitalism, to make it ‘ecological,’ are doomed by the very nature of the system as a system of endless growth.”31
Matters are equally intractable on the other side of the picture, as portrayed by Magdoff and Sweezy. Capitalism’s inability to engage in social and economic planning is reflected in decades of failed environmental policy. Although there have been some relatively minor environmental improvements, all attempts at comprehensive planning and action of the kind needed to avert what the scientific community is pointing to as a sure path of destruction have been systematically repulsed by the system. Instead technological change is invoked as a deus ex machina, allowing us to proceed along the current path of production, distribution, and consumption. There is no doubt that the social-technological potential already exists to address our most chronic environmental problems and to improve human existence—if we were to use present human capacities and natural resources in a rational and planned way. Yet, this existing potential is simply discarded: as all such rational solutions necessarily cross swords with the “antisocial [and anti-ecological] results of private ownership of the means of production.”
Here it is essential to recognize that capitalism in its monopoly stage is a system with such a high level of labor productivity that it is constantly prone to overaccumulation of capital and stagnation due to market saturation and scarcity of profitable outlets for productive investment. In order to continue to exist and to continue to reap monopolistic profit margins under these conditions it has mutated into an economy of built-in waste: both economic and ecological. Ours is a society characterized by (1) a gargantuan and ever-expanding sales effort penetrating into the structure of production itself; (2) planned obsolescence (including planned psychological obsolescence); (3) production of luxury goods for an opulent minority; (4) prodigious military and penal-state spending; and (5) the growth of a whole speculative superstructure in the form of finance, insurance, and real estate markets. It is a characteristic of such a system that much of the vast economic surplus of modern society shows up as economic waste built into production itself. All of this uses up enormous amounts of energy and resources and contributes to the ecological end-waste dumped on the planet. It also maximizes the toxicity of production, since plastics and other petrochemical-based goods are more toxic as well as cheaper economically.32 It is for this reason that leading systems ecologist Howard Odum, in a paper on Marx, insisted that the key to addressing our environmental problem—the way to find what he elsewhere called “a prosperous way down”—necessarily involves eliminating built-in “luxury and waste.”33
Among the early theorists of monopoly capitalism at the beginning of the twentieth century, it was the iconoclastic U.S. economist and sociologist Thorstein Veblen who most powerfully argued that a system dominated by giant corporations, prone to overproduction and overcapacity associated with its monopolistic pricing policy, was inherently characterized by the proliferation of economic waste.34 The result was the undermining of the use value structure of production, leading to a squandering of natural resources and human labor, a growing gap between the actual and potential production, and a failure to fulfill genuine social needs. Under monopoly capitalism (characterized by what economists call “monopolistic competition”), “The producers,” Veblen wrote,
have been giving continually more attention to the saleability of their product, so that much of what appears on the books as production-cost should properly be charged to the production of saleable appearances. The distinction between workmanship and salesmanship has progressively blurred in this way, until it will doubtless hold true now that the shop-cost of many articles produced for the market is mainly chargeable to the production of saleable appearances….
It is presumably safe to say that the containers account for one-half the shop-cost of what are properly called “package goods,” and for something approaching one-half of the price paid by the consumer. In certain lines, doubtless, as, e.g., in cosmetics and household remedies, this proportion is exceeded by a very substantial margin.35
Veblen’s argument on the proliferation of economic waste in the world of the giant corporation had an enormous influence on freethinking, political-economic critics in the United States and elsewhere for much of the twentieth century, including figures such as Scott Nearing, K. William Kapp, Vance Packard, and John Kenneth Galbraith.36
However, it was the Marxian political economists Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy in their work Monopoly Capital who were to take Veblen’s insight the furthest. The sales effort that characterized monopoly capitalism, they argued, went far beyond mere advertising and sales promotion. Rather what had emerged was “a condition in which the sales and production efforts interpenetrate to such an extent as to become virtually indistinguishable,” signaling “a profound change in what constitutes socially necessary costs of production as well as in the nature of the social product itself.” Baran and Sweezy referred to this phenomenon in their correspondence as “the interpenetration effect.” They illustrated this by referring to an influential economic study that had been carried out in regard to changes in car models. Estimating the direct yearly costs of car model changes in the 1950s, most of which were related simply to appearance or to the “horsepower race,” the study’s authors demonstrated that such costs were “staggeringly high,” amounting to over 25 percent of the total costs of the cars sold. And none of this included the costs of car model changes that were expended over the life of the vehicles, such as planned obsolescence, higher repair costs, and increased gasoline consumption. Nor did it question the enormous monopolistic profits of automobile manufacturing corporations or the huge dealers’ markups, running at 30 to 40 percent.37
The theory of monopoly capital thus suggests that the economic waste of capitalist society is not found just on the surface of society, as evident in military spending, advertising, speculation, and the like, but rather the irrationality extends into production itself in ways that are rarely analyzed even by radical social and environmental critics of the system. It is generally assumed today that any good produced is manufactured under optimum conditions and is aimed at the satisfaction of consumer sovereignty. But nothing could be further from the truth in either case. The bulk of production and of the labor that makes it in today’s U.S. economy constitutes economic waste in Veblen’s sense of “expenditure” that “does not serve human life or human well-being as a whole” and belongs to the category of unproductive labor.38 As Baran and Sweezy put it: “The designer of a new model of a consumer durable good, the engineer retooling the factory for the production of that model, the blue-collar worker affixing chrome to the automobile or compounding a new ‘edition’ of a toothpaste, the printer manufacturing a fancy new wrapper for an old soap, and the construction worker helping to build a new corporate ‘crystal palace’ are all members of the huge sales army which is supported by a considerable part of society’s output.”39
In other words, much of the labor in modern production is unproductive, in the sense of not contributing to but rather paid out of society’s economic surplus. This development also represents the destruction of the use value structure of the capitalist economy, which is no longer dominated by social use values, C, but increasingly by specifically capitalist use values, CK, having as their sole purpose the promotion of exchange value. The problem of M-C-M′ is then transformed by the introduction of such specifically capitalist use values into one of M-CK-M′. The quantitative advancement of exchange value, and hence economic growth as measured in our society, can no longer be assumed to constitute an advancement of human welfare in aggregate, but more likely constitutes the opposite.40 It progressively becomes the chief source of today’s ultimate crisis.41
In his 1960 book The Waste Makers, Packard quoted leading industrial designer Brooks Stevens who said, “our whole economy is based on planned obsolescence” and yet who denied that this constituted a system of “organized waste,” on the questionable grounds that it contributed positively to economic growth.42
We live in a world not of increasing real wealth but rather of “illth” to use John Ruskin’s memorable term.43 In their pioneering Index of Sustainable Economic Welfare in For the Common Good (1994),Herman Daly and John Cobb provided an analysis of total economic welfare, incorporating ecological costs in addition to traditional income data, and demonstrated that per capita sustainable economic welfare was in decline, beginning in the 1980s, even while GDP was on the rise.44 However, this attempt at a more accurate reckoning of changes in material welfare—since it did not scrutinize production itself—however only scratched the surface of the irrationalities built into the laws of motion of contemporary monopoly-finance capital and its increasingly destructive relation to the environment.45
Today the evermore wasteful nature of capitalist production, viewed from a qualitative or use-value perspective, is starkly evident. The packaging industry, much of which is devoted to marketing wares, is the third largest industry in the world after food and energy.46 It has been estimated that packaging costs an average of 10–40 percent of non-food produce items purchased. The packaging of cosmetics sometimes costs three times as much to produce as the actual contents within it.47 Around 300 million tons of plastic are produced globally each year. Only two-thirds of this is enough, according to the Guardian, “to cover the 48 contiguous states of the U.S. in plastic food wrapping.” Advertising for some products, such as soap or beer, is 10–12 percent of the retail cost per unit sold, while with some toys advertising is 15 percent of the retail cost.48 The sales promotion budgets of corporations meanwhile are often three times that of their advertising budgets.49 More than a trillion dollars was spent on marketing in the United States in 2005 alone.50
There is no obvious way of estimating the full cost of the irrational structure of production under such a system; nevertheless, it is clear that it is of vast dimensions, and the material cost of goods is generally far exceeded by their marketing and distribution costs. It follows that social and ecological planning geared to the production of use values and not the artificial promotion of exchange value could promote genuine human needs at a sharply reduced ecological cost. This is doubly and triply the case if we recognize the possibility of social planning of transportation, urban structure, population densities, etc.
Mainstream environmental critics often attribute the increasingly wasteful and destructive forms of consumption that blight our society to the failings of the ordinary consumer under the assumption of “consumer sovereignty,” one of the principal tenets of orthodox economics. But with one out of every twelve dollars of U.S. GDP spent on marketing (which does not include the marketing costs built into the production of the commodities themselves) consumer sovereignty is a mere illusion. Individuals in society are subject to relentless marketing propaganda nearly every moment of their waking lives. Indeed, as John Kenneth Galbraith argued through his famous “dependence effect,” the way we consume in today’s capitalism is largely dependent on the way we produce, and not the other way around.51
Marketing commodities in ways that exploit the alienation of human beings in monopoly capitalist society is now a fine art. As early as 1933, sociologist Robert S. Lynd observed in a monograph entitled, “The People as Consumers,” written for the President’s Research Committee on Social Trends,that “advertising, branding, and style” changes were designed to take full advantage of the social insecurity and alienation brought on by changing economic conditions. Corporations looked on “job insecurity, monotony, loneliness, failure to marry, and other situations of tension” as opportunities for elevating “more and more commodities to the class of personality buffers. At each exposed point the alert merchandiser is ready with a panacea.”52 The symbolic need that commodities thus attain in our society is crucial to what Juliet Schor has called “the materiality paradox,” i.e., the selling of material goods to satisfy needs that cannot in fact be met by material commodities.53 Ironically, it is this inability to obtain satisfaction from these commodities that ensures capital a permanent market—as long as, we are constantly told, “satisfaction is guaranteed.” Marketing plays on these social vulnerabilities, creating an endless series of new wants, enhancing the overall wastefulness of the system.
Monopoly capitalism demands an ever-faster circulation of commodities in order to increase sales. Durability is the enemy of the system. Maximum profits are thus generated by a throwaway culture. The economic life of cell phones in the Untied States is only a couple of years due to both planned and psychological obsolescence, with the result that 140 million cell phones reached what the Environmental Protection Agency refers to as their “end of life” (EOL) in 2007. Some 250 million computers and peripherals reached their EOL in the same year.54 In 2006 Steve Jobs urged customers to buy an iPod every year to keep up with the latest technology.55 More than 150 billion single-use beverage containers are purchased in the United States every year, while 320 million take-out cups are bought and discarded each day.Since the 1960s, one-time-use containers have risen from 6 percent of packaged soft drinks to 99 percent today. The more than 100 billion pieces of mostly unwanted junk mail delivered to homes and businesses in the United States each year add 51 million tons of greenhouse gases annually.56 In an economy designed to maximize overall waste, products are systematically made so as to no longer be repairable. Consumers are therefore compelled to discard them and return to the market and buy them again.
The macro-inefficiency of the system, the lack of anything resembling social and economic planning, and the prodigious mountains of waste, are omnipresent realities wherever we turn—though, like the proverbial fish in the water, we are often unable to see it. The structure of cities organized around a “car-first” transportation system, the proliferation of strip malls, urban traffic congestion, the casino economy, the litigious society, the war economy, the penal state, and the lavish, conspicuous consumption of the 1 percent—all point to a world of extreme excess, accompanied by tremendous social deprivation and environmental degradation. It is estimated that the average U.S. traveler aged eighteen or older spends 18.5 hours a week in a car. In the 1980s U.S. licensed drivers drove an average of about 10,000 miles a year; today it is around 14,000. Americans drove three trillion miles in 2010. In 2010, the average weight of a U.S. vehicle was almost 800 pounds heavier than in 1987. For each million cars in the United States, asphalt paving equaling nearly 200,000 football fields is required.57
A number of studies have shown that the economic surplus in the United States—much of which finds its statistical trace in economic waste associated with advertising, military spending, and other forms of socially unproductive output—constitutes more than 50 percent of GDP.58 To this should be added the unnecessary costs associated with “the interpenetration effect.” None of this, moreover, takes into account the actual harm inflicted on human beings and the environment—so-called “negative externalities.” Indeed, capitalism, as the environmental economist K. William Kapp once argued, is “an economy of unpaid costs.”59
What all of this means is that most of the economy is directed at anything but the needs of the vast majority of the human beings who work and generate output. “For all its stinginess,” Marx wrote, “capitalist production is thoroughly wasteful with human material, just as…[it is] very wasteful of material resources, so that it loses for society what it gains for the individual capitalist.”60 The result under today’s monopoly-finance capital is that by any rational standards the material progress at present is becoming more negative all the time. As Barry Commoner and Charles Anderson pointed out as early as the 1970s, we are overshooting nature’s capacity to sustain our economic activities and thereby generating an enormous “ecological debt” that must eventually be paid merely for our continued survival.61
Odum, who spent the last two decades of his life perfecting a devastating ecological critique of neoclassical economics in which he repeatedly emphasized the overlap between his views and Marx, provided perhaps the clearest and most comprehensive analysis of what needs to be done in the face of the planetary crisis. He argued that it was possible to find a social resolution to conditions of climax accumulation represented by ecological overshoot by altering the structure of production and consumption on a global scale and reorienting the economic system to real wealth. This meant recognizing that “a principal waste in our society is using fuels in nonproductive activity. We drive more cars than necessary, drive them too often, and drive cars with too much horsepower. We use cars for commuting because cities are not organized with alternative transportation. Because higher costs of energy do cause people to eliminate some stupid wastes, higher fuel taxes may be needed in the United States for these wasteful uses.”
Crucial to the development of sustainable economic conditions, Odum insisted, was the elimination of unequal ecological exchange. He demonstrated that in the late 1990s the United States was gaining 2.5 times more real wealth (i.e., embodied energy) than it exported, mainly to the disadvantage of underdeveloped countries. Needed social change also required “controlling global capitalism’s inherent tendency for short-term exploitation of resources,” which could undermine the national/international “resource basis…causing collapse.” Capitalist growth was “identified,” in his conception, “as a large-scale analog of weed overgrowth.” Globally, “the exclusive dominance of large-scale capitalism” should be “replaced with an emphasis on cooperation with the environment and among nations.”62
In order to transcend what he called a “cancerous capitalism” that overdrafted resources and energy, Odum insisted that it would be essential to eliminate the economic and ecological “waste and luxury” that did not support jobs, real productivity, and real wealth. Hence, it would be necessary, among other things, he suggested, to: (1) change industry from a focus on “construction” (i.e., net investment) to “maintenance” (i.e., replacement investment); (2) “place an upper limit on individual incomes”; (3) reduce “unearned income from interest and dividends”; (4) “downsize by reducing [upper-level] salaries rather than discharging employees”; (5) “provide public work programs for the unemployed”; (6) “decentralize organizational hierarchy”; (7) “limit the power of private cars”; (8) eliminate “plastic discard packaging”; (9) prioritize “ecological net production over consumption”; (10) promote an optimal economy through “high diversity, efficient cooperation”; (11) “share information without profit”; (12) promote “equity between nations” in ecological exchange; and (13) “use agricultural varieties that need less input.” Odum was clear that this transition required a break with “imperial capitalism.”63“Socialistic ideals about distribution,” he observed, “are more consistent with [a] steady state than growth,” while for capitalism it was exactly the opposite.64
The Global South and the Ultimate Crisis
Ecological footprint analysis tells us that the world is in overshoot, currently using resources at a rate that would be sustainable for one and a half planet Earths. The main source of this environmental overdraft is to be found in the excesses of the rich countries, which are now, however, being duplicated throughout the globe. Indeed, if the whole world were to have the ecological footprint per capita of the United States, five Earths would be needed.65 The very size of the ecological footprint of a rich economy such as the United States is an indication of its heavy reliance on unequal ecological exchange, extracting resources from the rest of the globe, particularly underdeveloped countries, in order to enhance its own growth and power.
Odum was able to demonstrate concretely that while the United States received more than twice as much embodied energy from trade as it exported, Ecuador was exporting five times the embodied energy that it received. Trade between the two was thus enormously disadvantageous to Ecuador in real wealth terms, while providing a massive ecological benefit to the U.S. economy.66
It follows that the downsizing of ecological footprints to get the world back in accord with environmental limits must necessarily fall very disproportionately on the rich capitalist countries. The only just and sustainable solution is one of contraction and convergence, whereby global per capita carbon emissions and ecological footprints are equalized, along with the elimination of unequal ecological exchange.67
The global South is in many ways more immediately imperiled than the North by climate change and by the other planetary rifts. It is here too that an international peasant movement, La Vía Campesina, has emerged, and with it hopes of the development of an environmental proletariat.68 Meanwhile the propaganda machine of the rich capitalist countries portrays emerging economies (notably China, where carbon emissions now exceed those of the United States) as constituting the single greatest threat to the environment. Understanding the relation of the global South to the ultimate crisis is therefore crucial.
Comparison of the economy-ecology nexus of underdeveloped countries with that of developed monopoly-capitalist economies only serves to highlight the waste-ridden character of the latter. High levels of energy and carbon (fossil-fuel) intensity have characterized the major industrial countries in the post-Second World War era.69 This high-energy intensity was made possible by the imperial system of ecological (and economic) unequal exchange. Stripped of their vast imperial-ecological and fossil-fuel subsidies, the rich economies would be readily perceived as the inefficient systems they are.70
Simon Kuznets, often viewed as the foremost figure in the development of national income accounting in the United States, highlighted some of the contradictions in comparing the GDPs of developed and underdeveloped economies. In a 1949 article “National Income and Industrial Structure,” Kuznets argued that the rich capitalist countries were grossly overvalued in national income terms in comparison with less industrialized, less commercialized economic formations because everything that passed through the market—even costs that were mere “offsets” for the inefficiency and destructiveness of concentrated industrial-capitalist production—were seen as enhancing national income and economic growth.71 Thus, it was well known (with specific reference to China) that “preindustrial” or underdeveloped economies were able to produce a higher nutritional content at lower cost; were more efficient “in respect to distance” in the bringing together of producers with consumers, and in not requiring the packaging and processing of produce to avoid spoliation; and were able to provide security to individuals over their life cycle through the organization of “family and community life” (which in the rich economies requires insurance).72
Much of what was counted as income and economic growth in modern industrial society such as “extra transportation and handling” thus could be “nettified” (or netted out) as mere offsets to the inefficiencies and destructiveness of concentrated industrial and urban life. Here Kuznets included unnecessary dependence on the automobile; much of the cost of housing; the enormous amounts spent on distribution, transportation, and communication; expenditures on banks, employment agencies, brokerage houses, etc.
A great deal of what was counted as GDP and as economic growth therefore consisted of nothing more than “libations of oil on the machinery of industrial society.” In highly industrialized economies “production, in the narrow sense of converting hides into shoes,” Kuznets observed, “accounts for merely a small part of the values of finished goods, whereas” in the underdeveloped economies “it accounts for practically all of it. The transportation and distribution activities in an industrial society can thus be clearly seen as offsets to the [real material] disadvantages of large-scale, machine manufacturing.”
For Kuznets, then, many of the additional costs incurred by advanced industrial societies were intermediate offsets to negative features associated with those societies, adding nothing to final use values. However, from a social-planning or socialist perspective, as in Baran and Sweezy’s analysis, the criticism went even deeper, since the bulk of these artificial social costs could be classified not just as offsets to urban-industrial life, but as products of the exploitative, profit-centered, and monopolistic character of the capitalist economy, and thus socially irrational in that sense as well.73
In today’s increasingly globalized monopoly-finance capital, the ecological, social, and economic irrationalities of the organization of production are visible on a planetary scale. This is particularly the case with agribusiness, given its heavy, almost exclusive, dependence on intensive carbon inputs at every stage of the production process (including fertilizer production); its destruction of subsistence farming; its vast food processing, packaging, and supermarket chains; and its global distributional and transportation networks that maximize food miles. According to the New York Times: “Cod caught off Norway is shipped to China to be turned into filets, then shipped back to Norway for sale.” This is due primarily to the global labor arbitrage, which takes advantage of low Chinese wages (based on migrant labor and thereby subsidized by peasant subsistence agriculture which covers the main reproduction costs of the workers). Likewise the global labor arbitrage explains why it is that “half of Europe’s peas are grown and packaged in Kenya.” One study looked at a typical Swedish breakfast of bread, butter, cheese, apple, coffee, cream, orange juice, and sugar, and concluded that the food had traveled the equivalent of 24,901 miles—the circumference of the planet.74 The average food item in U.S. consumption now travels over 1,500 miles from field to table. Food miles associated with consumption in the United Kingdom amounted to “33 billion vehicle-kilometeres in 2002.”75
Again and again agribusiness has been shown to be less efficient in producing food per acre than intensive, small organic farming, which is also less damaging to the environment and is far superior in providing a livelihood for people and whole communities on the land.76 Hence, La Vía Campesina claims that in order to provide food security, livelihoods, jobs, and human health, as well as to protect the environment, global food production has to be in the hands of small-scale sustainable farmers, as opposed to large, monopolistic agribusiness corporations and supermarket chains. “The moral of the tale,” Marx observed in the 1860s, “…is that the capitalist system runs counter to a rational agriculture, or that a rational agriculture is incompatible with the capitalist system…and needs either small farmers working for themselves or the control of the associated producers.”77
The world revolt of small-scale farmers increasingly places ecology at the forefront, as groups of rural workers organize to fight the logic of capital in order to establish social control over ecological-material relationships and forge more meaningful, less alienated, and more sustainable conditions for life. According to environmental sociologists Mindi Schneider and Philip McMichael in the Journal of Peasant Studies, “Marx’s concept of the ‘metabolic rift’…in the context of an international peasant mobilization embracing the science of ecology…has become the focal point of attempts to restore forms of agriculture that are environmentally and socially sustainable.”78
Odum insisted that increasing constraints on fossil-fuel use would spell the end of today’s petrofarming system. “The high yields from industrial agriculture generated a very cruel illusion because the citizens, the teachers, and the leaders did not understand the energetics involved…. A whole generation of citizens thought that higher efficiencies in using the energy of the sun had arrived. This was a sad hoax, for people of the developed world no longer eat potatoes made from solar energy…. People are really eating potatoes made partly of oil.”79
Without the subsidy provided by the fossil fuels, today’s agribusiness system will simply collapse. As a result it will be necessary to return to more ecologically efficient forms of traditional agriculture. In this way, the knowledge system will be inverted. Rather than agribusiness corporations providing knowledge to traditional peasant farmers, it will be the latter who will be the inspiration for the most appropriate agriculture, rooted in thousands of years of cumulative knowledge of soil cultivation, supplemented by the advancements associated with modern agroecology. “Policies about population and development appropriate to low-energy restoration,” Odum wrote, “may be like those formerly found in low-energy cultures like the Yanomamo Indians of Venezuela.”80
The notion that the areas of the global South, including China and India, can easily incorporate the billions of people now engaged in small-scale agriculture into the overcrowded urban centers of the third world is the product of a development ideology according to which the rich countries of Western Europe are said to have rapidly absorbed their own rural populations within their emerging, industrialized cities. In reality there were huge waves of emigration of Europeans to the colonies taking the pressure off the cities. (In the United States, which was a receiving ground for much of this European emigration, urbanization occurred much more gradually. By 1900, nearly 80 percent of the British population lived in cities, while 40 percent of the U.S. population did. It took until 1960 before 70 percent of the U.S. population resided in cities, and until 2000 before it reached 80 percent.) Such an industrialization-urbanization pattern, relying on mass emigration, is clearly not feasible in today’s global South, which does not have the outlet of mass emigration on the scale now needed and the same carbon subsidies—given the constraints of climate change. Nor does it have the favorable economic conditions—expansion into a whole “new” continent (albeit leading to the genocidal conquest of the original inhabitants)—under which the United States emerged as a world industrial power. What is happening instead in many countries is the huge growth of urban slums as people migrate from the countryside into cities that contain insufficient employment opportunities. Around one-third of the world’s city dwellers now live in slums.81
In response to these realities a powerful New Rural Reconstruction Movement has emerged in China—associated in particular with the pioneering ecological thinking of Wen Tiejun—that rejects large-scale farming-agribusiness systems as a viable pattern of development in today’s circumstances. Instead agriculture is to be rooted in the village system of collective land rights (the product of the Chinese Revolution) and the utilization of traditional knowledge of some 240 million small household farmers—further informed by contemporary ecological science. This transformation of food production and socio-ecological relationships also involves expanding rural education, medical services, and infrastructure. This strategy is “committed to the Three Ps (the People’s Principles): people’s livelihood, people’s solidarity, and people’s cultural diversity.”82
The Society of Sustainable Human Development
“Labour,” Marx wrote, “is first of all, a process between man and nature, a process by which man, through his own actions, mediates, regulates and controls the metabolism between himself and nature.”83 It is this central metabolic relation between human beings and the natural environment which is now being called into question by capitalism on a planetary scale generating constant and ever-growing metabolic rifts.84 Even as global monopoly-finance capital falls prey to an endless stagnation crisis due to its own internal contradictions, it is also crossing all ecological boundaries in its drive for endless accumulation, thus activating its external contradictions on the broadest, most planetary scale.85
Economic growth under capitalism is inseparable from an increase, to quote Herman Daly, in “the metabolic flow of useful matter and energy from environmental sources, through the economic subsystem (production and consumption), and back to environmental sinks as waste.” The key to a sustainable society is thus the rational regulation of this “metabolic flow relative to natural cycles that regenerate the economy’s resource depletion and absorb its waste emissions, as well as providing countless other natural services.”86 Recognizing these material constraints, and the fact that production was ultimately nothing but the relation between human beings and nature, Marx defined socialism as a society in which “socialized man, the associated producers, govern the human metabolism with nature in a rational way…accomplishing it with the least expenditure of energy and in conditions most worthy and appropriate for their human nature.”87
We are a long way from the rational, social regulation of the human metabolism with nature envisioned by Marx in the nineteenth century. Today the rift in this metabolism is threatening the entire planet as a place of habitation for humanity and countless other species. The gravity of the problem that faces us in addressing both the current planetary emergency and the inordinately destructive social metabolism of capital should not be downplayed. In order to avoid catastrophic climate change it will be necessary, science tells us, to find a way to keep the fossil fuels in the ground. We need to stay well below a trillion metric tons of carbon emissions if we are to have a reasonable chance of avoiding irreversible and catastrophic climate change. Rapidly cutting fossil-fuel consumption, however, means removing the energy subsidy on which today’s system of global monopoly-finance capitalism critically relies, calling the whole system into question.88 At the same time, it will be necessary to reverse the other planetary rifts, such as species extinction, the rupture of the nitrogen and phosphorus cycles, ocean acidification, the depletion or overuse of fresh water, the elimination of natural vegetative ground cover, and the degradation of the soil—in order to not close off the future. Here too we are forced to confront the nature of our social system.
The really inconvenient truth is that there is no possible way to accomplish any, much less all, of these things other than by breaking with the underlying logic of the accumulation of capital, M-C-M′—and today’s even deadlier M-CK-M′. What is required both for long-term human survival, and for the creation of a new condition of “plenitude,” is a smaller ecological footprint for the global economy, coupled with a system of comprehensive social, technological, and economic planning—one that is of, by, and for the people.89 It means abandonment of the myth of absolute economic growth as the panacea for all of society’s ills, and the downshift to a sustainable, steady-state economy rooted in the development of human community rather than individual accumulation.90
Nevertheless, the grim reality is that the balance of forces in the world today and the shortness of time leave no room for real optimism in this respect. As Minqi Li cogently observed in The Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World Economy, barring a very rapid overthrow of capitalism of a kind that can scarcely be imagined today, the system will inevitably lead us into global catastrophe. Even if socialism triumphs in the second half of the century, “the task for future socialist governments will no longer be about preventing catastrophes but trying to survive them as they are taking place.”91 All that can be said with certainty is that the sooner the world supersedes capitalism the greater the chance for survival.
“It is impossible to think of anything at all concerning the elementary conditions of social metabolic reproduction,” István Mészáros has written, “which is not lethally threatened by the way in which capital relates to them—the only way in which it can” as a mere means to accumulation. Indeed, as early as 1971, at the opening of the modern environmental era, Mészáros declared,
[A] basic contradiction of the capitalist system of control is that it cannot separate “advance” from destruction,nor “progress” from waste—however catastrophic the results. The more it unlocks the powers of productivity, the more it must unleash the powers of destruction; and the more it extends the volume of production, the more it must bury everything under mountains of suffocating waste. The concept of economy is radically incompatible with the “economy” of capital production, which, of necessity, adds insult to injury by first using up with rapacious wastefulness the limited resources of our planet, and then further aggravates the outcome by polluting and poisoning the human environment with its mass produced waste and effluence.92
Ironically, it is in the very waste and destructiveness of what Odum called the “cancerous capitalism” of today that we are able to discover the potential for a more rational, just, and sustainable society. Looking at the explosive growth of finance, already visible in their time, together with “advertising, product differentiation, artificial obsolescence, model changes, and the other devices of the sales effort,” Baran and Sweezy observed: “The prodigious volume of resources absorbed in all these activities does in fact constitute necessary costs of capitalist production. What should be crystal clear is that an economic system in which such costs are socially necessary has long ceased to be a socially necessary economic system.”93
Notes
  1. John Bellamy Foster and Robert W. McChesney, The Endless Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2012).
  2. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The Communist Manifesto (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1964), 2.
  3. Robert Heilbroner, “Ecological Armageddon,” in Warren A. Johnson and John Hardesty, eds., Economic Growth vs. the Environment (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1971), 36–45.
  4. Susan Solomon, et al., “Irreversible Climate Change Due to Carbon Dioxide Emissions,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106, no. 6 (February 10, 2009): 1704–9; Heidi Cullen, The Weather of the Future (New York: Harper, 2010), 261–71; James Hansen, “Tipping Point,” in Eva Fearn and Kent H. Redford, eds., State of the Wild 2008 (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 2008), 7–8.
  5. James Hansen, “Comments on Assertions of Pat Michaels at Grover Norquist’s ‘Wednesday’ Meeting,” September 5, 2012; http://www.columbia.edu.
  6. Stefan Rahmstorf and Dim Coumou, “Increase of Extreme Events in a Warming World,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 108, no. 44 (November 1, 2012): 17905–9; John Carey “Global Warming: Faster Than Expected?,” Scientific American 307, no. 5 (November 2012): 54; James E. Hansen, “Climate Change is Here—And Worse Than We Thought,” Washington Post, August 3, 2012; Mark Fischetti, “Did Climate Change Cause Hurricane Sandy?” Scientific American blog, October 30, 2012, http://blogs.scientificamerican.com.
  7. Myles Allen, et al., “The Exit Strategy,” Nature Reports Climate Change, April 30, 2009, 56–58, and “Warming Caused by Cumulative Carbon Emissions Towards the Trillionth Tonne,” Nature 458 (April 20, 2009): 1163–66; Malte Meinshausen, et al., “Greenhouse-Gas Emission Targets for Limiting Global Warming to 2°C,” Nature 458 (April 30, 2009): 1158–62; TrillionthTonne.org; Catherine Brahic, “Humanity’s Carbon Budget Set at One Trillion Tons,” New Scientist, April 29, 2009; Katherine Richardson, Will Steffen, and Diana Liberman, Climate Change: Global Risks, Challenges, and Decisions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 212.
    An increase in global average temperature of 2°C is equivalent to a carbon dioxide concentration in the atmosphere of 450 parts per million (ppm). This would be too much for long-term stabilization of the climate, which requires no more than 350 ppm. However, keeping below the trillionth metric ton in emission is regarded as a prior constraint, since it constitutes a point of no return in terms of the possibility for effective human action with regard to these processes. If carbon emissions could be stopped below a trillion metric tons, it would be possible to get back down over time to 350 ppm. See http://trillionthtonne.org/questions.html#5, accessed October 23, 2012.
  8. Climate Central, Global Weirdness (New York: Pantheon Books, 2012), 165–67.
  9. See Mark Lynas, Six Degrees (Washington, DC: National Geographic, 2008).
  10. Ending Its Summer Melt, Arctic Sea Ice Sets a New Low that Leads to Warnings,” New York Times, September 19, 2012, http://nytimes.com; “Arctic Expert Predicts Final Collapse of Sea Ice Within Four Years,” Guardian, September 17, 2012, http://guardian.co.uk; Carey, “Global Warming: Faster Than Expected?”, 52.
  11. See http://trillionthtonne.org, accessed September 7, 2012.
  12. Nicholas Stern, The Economics of Climate Change: The Stern Review (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 4–16, 95, 193, 220–34, 637–51; John Bellamy Foster, Brett Clark, and Richard York, The Ecological Rift (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2010), 153–56.
  13. Glen P. Peters, et al., “Rapid Growth in CO2 Emissions After the 2008–2009 Global Financial Crisis,” Nature Climate Change 2 (January 2012): 2–3.
  14. Richard York, “Asymmetric Effects of Economic Growth and Decline on CO2 Emissions,” Nature Climate Change (October 7, 2012), http://nature.com; “Greenhouse Link to GDP Not Symmetric,” ABC Science, http://abc.net.au.
  15. Pwc (Pricewaterhousecoopers), Counting the Cost of Carbon: Low Carbon Economy Index 2011, http://pwc.com, 2–7.
  16. Charles H. Anderson, The Sociology of Survival (Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1976), 122–23; Herman E. Daly, “Moving from a Failed Growth Economy to a Steady-State Economy,” in Julien-François Gerber and Rolf Seppacher, eds., Toward an Integrated Paradigm in Heterodox Economics (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012): 176–89.
  17. Carbon Tracker Initiative, Unburnable Carbon, 2, accessed October 24, 2012, http://longfinance.net.
  18. Bill McKibben, “Global Warming’s Terrifying New Math,” Rolling Stone (July 19, 2012): 55–60.
  19. Johan Rockström, et al., “A Safe Operating Space for Humanity,” Nature 461, no. 24 (September 2009): 472–75.
  20. President Barak Obama, “Interview of the President by the CBC,” February 17, 2009, http://whitehouse.gov.
  21. Ecological modernization (green-capitalist) theorist, Arthur Mol, remarks: “In a number of cases (regarding countries and/or specific industrial sectors and/or specific environmental issues) environmental reform can even result in an absolute decline in the use of natural resources and discharge of emissions, regardless of economic growth in financial or material terms (product output).” See Arthur P.J. Mol, “Ecological Modernization and the Global Economy,” Global Environmental Politics 2, no. 2 (May 2002): 93. Yet, recent empirical analysis shows that such “absolute decoupling” is nonexistent at the global level, that is, to the extent that a decoupling exists within nations, it is due to the shifting of production and environmental effects from one part of the globe (usually the more powerful part) to another (the weaker part). See Andrew Jorgenson and Brett Clark, “Are the Economy and the Environment Decoupling?: A Comparative International Study, 1960–2005,” American Journal of Sociology 118, no. 1 (July 2012): 1–44.
  22. On how the entropy law constrains technological solutions to environmental problems see Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen, Energy and Economic Myths (New York: Pergamon, 1976), 12, 57.
  23. On the Jevons paradox see Foster, Clark, and York, The Ecological Rift, 169–82; David Owen, The Conundrum (New York: Riverhead Books, 2011).
  24. Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 1 (London: Penguin, 1976), 492.
  25. Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 247–57, 742. For the relation of M-C-M′ to the economic contradictions of capitalism see Paul M. Sweezy, Four Lectures on Marxism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1981), 26–45.
  26. Foster, Clark, and York, The Ecological Rift, 207–11.
  27. On the failure of absolute decoupling and even relative decoupling of the economy from the environment see Tim Jackson, Prosperity Without Growth (London: Earthscan, 2011), 67–86.
  28. Solar energy is abundant but is “inherently dilute.” A great deal of energy is thus necessary to convert it into concentrated form and hence the net energy return on energy investment (EROI) is small. See Howard T. Odum, Environment, Power, and Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 207–9; Howard T. Odum and Elisabeth C. Odum, A Prosperous Way Down (Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado, 2001), 163–68. Nuclear energy presents serious dangers and does not constitute a feasible overall alternative to fossil fuels. See Kozo Mayumi and John Polimeni, “Uranium Reserve, Nuclear Fuel Cycle Delusion, CO2 Emissions from the Sea, and Electricity Supply: Reflections After the Fuel Meltdown of the Fukushima Nuclear Power Units,” Ecological Economics 73 (2012): 1-6.
  29. Harry Magdoff and Paul M. Sweezy, “Notes on Watergate One Year Later,” Monthly Review 26, no. 1 (May 1974): 8–10.
  30. Paul M. Sweezy, “Capitalism and the Environment,” Monthly Review 41, no. 2 (June 1989): 6.
  31. Murray Bookchin, Remaking Society (Boston: South End Press, 1990), 93–94.
  32. This was famously highlighted by Barry Commoner, The Closing Circle (New York: Knopf, 1971), 138-75.
  33. Howard T. Odum and David Scienceman, “An Energy Systems View of Karl Marx’s Concepts of Production and Labor Power,” in Emergy Synthesis 3 (Proceedings from the Third Biennial Emergy Conference, Gainesville, Florida Center for Economic Policy, 2005), 41; Odum and Odum, A Prosperous Way Down.
  34. The argument in the following pages develops on an earlier analysis in John Bellamy Foster, “The Ecology of Marxian Political Economy,” Monthly Review 63, no. 4 (September 2011): 1–16.
  35. Thorstein Veblen, Absentee Ownership and Business Enterprise in Modern Times (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1964), 300-301.
  36. See especially K. William Kapp, Social Costs of Private Enterprise (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1950); Scott Nearing, The Economics of the Power Age (East Palatka, FL: World Events Committee, 1952); John Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society (New York: New American Library, 1958); and Vance Packard, The Waste Makers (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960).
  37. See Paul A. Baran and Paul M. Sweezy, “The Last Letters,” Monthly Review 64, no. 3 (July–August 2012), 68, 73; Franklin M. Fisher, Zvi Grilliches, and Carl Kaysen, “The Costs of Automobile Changes Since 1949,” The Journal of Political Economy 70, no. 5 (October 1962): 433–51; Baran and Sweezy, Monopoly Capital, 131–38.
  38. Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: New American Library, 1953), 78–80.
  39. Paul A. Baran and Paul M. Sweezy, “Some Theoretical Implications,” Monthly Review 64, no. 3 (July–August 2012), 57.
  40. The issue of “specifically capitalist use value” was addressed in a commentary on Baran and Sweezy’s analysis by Henryk Slajfer, “Waste, Marxian Theory, and Monopoly Capital,” in John Bellamy Foster and Henryk Slajfer, eds., The Faltering Economy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984), 302–13. The concept was carried forward in John Bellamy Foster, The Theory of Monopoly Capitalism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1986), 39–42. The explanation of this as a transformation of Marx’s general formula of capital under monopoly capitalism, in terms of the emergence of M-CK-M′, was first introduced in Foster, “The Ecology of Marxian Political Economy.” Unbeknownst to the author at that time, a similar reformulation of Marx’s general formula as M-W-M′ had been introduced a number of years before in Patrick Brantlinger and Richard Higgins, “Waste and Value: Thorstein Veblen and H.G. Wells,” Criticism 48, no. 4 (Fall 2006): 466. For how this concept of waste (unproductive labor) influenced Baran and Sweezy’s analysis see Paul A. Baran and Paul M. Sweezy, “Some Theoretical Implications,” Monthly Review 64, no. 3 (July–August 2012): 45–58; John Bellamy Foster, “A Missing Chapter of Monopoly Capital,” Monthly Review 64, no. 3 (July–August 2012): 17–21.
  41. The case for Marx’s theory of socialism as one of sustainable human development is made in Paul Burkett, “Marx’s Vision of Sustainable Human Development,” Monthly Review 57, no. 5 (October 2005): 34–62.
  42. Vance Packard, The Waste Makers (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960), 46.
  43. John Ruskin, Unto This Last (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1967), 73.
  44. Herman E. Daly and John B. Cobb, Jr., For the Common Good (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994), 463.
  45. See Frederik Berend Blauwhof, “Overcoming Accumulation,” in Ecological Economics (forthcoming).
  46. Captain Charles Moore, Plastic Ocean (New York: Penguin, 2011), 129.
  47. Diana Wicks, “Packaging Sales Goals and Strategies,” Chron, http://smallbusiness.chron.com, accessed October 16, 2012; “Product Packaging Can Cost Three Times as Much as What’s Inside,” Daily Mail, July 13, 2007, http://dailymail.co.uk.
  48. Global Hunger for Plastic Packaging Leaves Waste Solution a Long Way Off,” Guardian, December 29, 2011, http://guardian.co.uk; Moore, Plastic Ocean, 41; Hannah Holleman, Inger L. Stole, John Bellamy Foster, and Robert W. McChesney, “The Sales Effort and Monopoly Capital,” Monthly Review 60, no. 11 (April 2009): 6.
  49. Kevin C. Clancy and Robert S. Shulman, “Marketing with Blinders On,” Across the Board 30, no. 8 (October 1993): 33-38; and their Marketing Myths That Are Killing Business (New York: McGraw Hill, 1994), 140, 171–72, 221.
  50. U.S. Marketing Spending Exceeded $1 Trillion in 2005,” Metrics Business and Market Intelligence, June 26, 2006, http://metrics2.com.
  51. Galbraith, The Affluent Society, 121-28. The one in every twelve dollars figure for marketing is based on the Blackfriars 2005 marketing estimate, representing roughly that portion of GDP that year. See note 50. On the role of marketing in the maintenance of monopoly capital, see Michael Dawson, The Consumer Trap (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2005).
  52. Robert S. Lynd, “The People as Consumers,” in President’s Research Committee on Social Trends, Recent Social Trends in the United States, vol. 2 (New York: McGraw Hill, 1933), 858, 867–88.
  53. Juliet Schor, Plenitude (New York: Penguin, 2010), 40–41.
  54. Schor, Plenitude, 38.
  55. Marc Perton, “Jobs: ‘You Have to Buy a New iPod at Least Once a Year,’” May 26, 2006, http://endgadget.com.
  56. Paper or Plastic—Abstract,” Watershed Media, http://watershedmedia.org, accessed October 24, 2012; “Environmental Facts,” Ecocycle, http://ecocycle.org, accessed October 24, 2012; Annie Leonard, The Story of Stuff (New York: Free Press, 2010), 195; “Beverage Containers,” Report Buyer, http://www.reportbuyer.com, accessed October 24, 2012.
  57. Bianca Mugyenyi and Yves Engler, Stop Signs: Cars and Capitalism (Vancouver, BC: Red Publishing, 2011), 13, 108, 115–16; U.S. Department of Transportation, “Nation’s Highway Traffic Reaches Highest Level Since 2007,” March 2011, http://fhwa.dot.gov; “Your Big Car is Killing Me,” June 27, 2011, http://slate.com; Arbitron Inc., The Arbitron National In-Car Study, 2009, http://arbitron.com, 2–5; Office of Department of Transportation, Office of Highway Transportation Information, “Our Nations Highways: 2011,” http://fhwa.dot.gov, accessed October 30, 2012; Lester R. Brown, Outgrowing the Earth (New York: W.W. Norton, 2004), 92. The reference to a “car-first” transportation system is from Michael Dawson, “Electric Evasion,” Counterpunch, October 15–17, 2010, http://counterpunch.org.
  58. See Baran and Sweezy, Monopoly Capital, 389; Michael Kidron, Capitalism and Theory (London: Pluto Press, 1974), 53; Michael Dawson and John Bellamy Foster, “The Tendency of Surplus to Rise, 1963–1988,” in John B. Davis, ed., The Economic Surplus in the Advanced Economies (Brookfield, VT: Edward Elgar, 1992): 63.
  59. Kapp, The Social Costs of Private Enterprise, 231.
  60. Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 3(London: Penguin, 1981), 180.
  61. To our knowledge the term “ecological debt” first appeared in Anderson, The Sociology of Survival, 143. The direct inspiration, however, was Commoner, who had employed the concept of “environmental debt.” See Commoner, The Closing Circle, 295; Odum and Odum, A Prosperous Way Down, 139, 173, 175, 179. Odum used the concept of “emergy,” which reduced all forms of energy to energy of one kind (measured in solar emjoules) as a means of analyzing embodied energy; Odum, Environment, Power, and Society, 278.
  62. Odum and Odum, A Prosperous Way Down, 149.
  63. Odum and Odum, A Prosperous Way Down, 183; Odum, Environment, Power, and Society, 58, 276, 389–91.
  64. Howard T. Odum, “Energy, Ecology and Economics,” Ambio 2, no. 6 (1973): 222.
  65. Global Footprint Network, “World Footprint,” http://footprintnetwork.org, accessed October 16, 2012; Robynne Boyd, “One Footprint at a Time,” Scientific American, July 14, 2011, http://blogs.scientificamerican.com.
  66. Howard T. Odum and J.E. Arding, Emergy Analysis of Shrimp Mariculture in Ecuador (Narrangansett, RI: Coastal Research Center, University of Rhode Island, 1991), 33–39.
  67. Tom Atthanasiou and Paul Baer, Dead Heat (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2002).
  68. Foster, Clark, and York, The Ecological Rift, 439–40.
  69. This was true of the Soviet Union as well, the analysis of which, however, does not concern us here. See John Bellamy Foster, The Vulnerable Planet (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1999), 96–101.
  70. Odum, Environment, Power and Society, 274.
  71. Simon Kuznets, “National Income and Industrial Structure,” Econometrica 17, supplement (1949): 217.
  72. Ibid, 212–14, 229.
  73. Ibid, 216–19, 227.
  74. Environmental Cost of Shipping Groceries Around the World,” New York Times, April 26, 2008, http://nytimes.com; Sally Deneen, “Food Miles,” The Daily Green, http://thedailygreen.com, accessed October 16, 2012.
  75. Report Buyer, The Food Miles Challenge (2006), http://reportbuyer.com, 2; Daniel Imhoff, “Thinking Outside of the Box,” Whole Earth (Winter 2002): 12.
  76. See in particular Amory B. Lovins, L. Hunter Lovins, and Marty Bender, “Energy and Agriculture,” in Wes Jackson, Wendell Berry, and Bruce Coleman, eds., Meeting the Expectations of the Land (San Francisco: North Point Press, 1984), 68–69; Michael A. Altieri, “Agroecology, Small Farms, and Food Sovereignty,” David Pimentel, “Reducing Energy Inputs in the Agricultural Production System,” and Jules Pretty, “Can Ecological Agriculture Feed Nine Billion People,” in Fred Magdoff and Brian Tokar, eds., Agriculture and Food in Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2010).
  77. Marx, Capital, vol. 3, 216.
  78. Mindi Schneider and Philip McMichael, “Deepening and Repairing, the Metabolic Rift,” Journal of Peasant Studies 37, no. 3 (2010): 461.
  79. Odum, Environment, Power, and Society, 189–90.
  80. Odum and Odum, A Prosperous Way Down, 87. For a discussion of how Cuba has transformed food production, see Richard Levins, “How Cuba is Going Ecological,” Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 16, no. 3 (2005): 7–25; Sinan Koont, “Food Security in Cuba,” Monthly Review 55, no. 8 (2004): 11–20.
  81. Samir Amin, “World Poverty, Pauperization and Capital Accumulation,” Monthly Review 55, no. 5 (October 2003): 1–9; Prabhat Patnaik, “The Myths of Capitalism,” MRZine, July 4, 2011, http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org; UK House of Commons, A Century of Trends in UK Statistics Since 1900 (House of Commons Library Research Paper 99/111), December 21, 1999, http://parliament.uk, 13; U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2012, Tables 28 and 29, http://census.gov, accessed October 30, 2012.
  82. Wen Tiejun, et. al., “Ecological Civilization, Indigenous Culture, and Rural Reconstruction in China,” Monthly Review 63, no. 9 (February 2012): 29–35; Wen Tiejun, “Deconstructing Modernization,” Chinese Sociology and Anthropology 49, no. 4 (Summer 2007): 10–25.
  83. Marx, Capital, vol. 1, 283.
  84. On the scale of today’s planetary rift see Foster, Clark, and York, The Ecological Rift.
  85. On the relation between capitalism’s internal economic contradictions and its external ecological ones see Kent A. Klitgaard and Lisi Krall, “Ecological Economics, Degrowth, and Institutional Change,” Ecological Economics (forthcoming).
  86. Herman E. Daly, “Further Commentary,” in Jackson, Prosperity Without Growth, 267–68.
  87. Marx, Capital, vol. 3, 959.
  88. Max Weber was quite likely the first major thinker to stress that modern industrial capitalism was predicated on a fossil-fuel-based environmental regime. See John Bellamy Foster and Hannah Holleman, “Weber and the Environment,” American Journal of Sociology 117, no. 6 (May 2012): 1636, 1646–50.
  89. On the nature of planning for a socialism for the twenty-first century see Harry Magdoff and Fred Magdoff, “Approaching Socialism,” Monthly Review 57, no. 3 (July-August 2005): 19–61.
  90. On the important concept of plenitude see Schor, Plenitude, 4–7.
  91. Minqi Li, The Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World-Economy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2008), 187.
  92. István Mészáros, Beyond Capital (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1995), 174, 893–94.
  93. Baran and Sweezy, Monopoly Capital, 141.

WE GET IT, BUT WE ARE HUMAN BEINGS AS WELL

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Why does it seem impossible for so many of my comrades on the left to reflect on the mass murder in Connecticut without reminding us, what we already know, that many others are suffering around the world? I have been involved in movement work of all kinds for 45 years. I've been in the streets, I've been to prison, I've organized here there and everywhere. I write about racism, capitalism, and injustice every single day. Trust me, I get it. However, that doesn't mean I can't grieve and be angered by what happened yesterday as well. In addition to being a Marxist, an activist, and all that, I am a human being. 


I understand what my comrades are trying to say, but come on friends, you aren't telling us anything we don't already know, you aren't the only ones who realize that others are dying and suffering every minute of every day. That said, it is not somehow wrong to focus for a bit on the senseless murder of twenty small children and six adults without further pontification.

I'M OUT OF HERE UNTIL NEXT YEAR

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I am done here for the year 2012 unless something I just can't resist comes up.  SCISSION will be back in January.  

Meanwhile, boys and girls...always remember to brush your teeth, get some exercise, eat your vegetables,  love your brothers and sisters, sleep with one eye open, talk hard, rock and roll...and most importantly...


FIGHT RACISM
SMASH WHITE SUPREMACY
TAKE THE EMPIRE DOWN
&
SAVE THE EARTH
FOR SURE!

A PANTHER IN AFRICA AND THE UNITED AFRICAN ALLIANCE COMMUNITY CENTER NEED YOUR SUPPORT

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PETE O'NEAL SURROUNDED BY LEADERS OF TOMORROW


May I suggest making a donation to the United African Alliance Community Center at http://uaacc.habari.co.tz/. This is a wonderful organization founded and operated by former Kansas City Black Panther leader Pete O'Neal and Charlotte O'Neal in Tanzania where they have been in exile for over forty years. I guarantee you your money could not be put to better use.


The first piece below is about ten years old, I think, and is from the Liberator Magazine.



United African Alliance Community Center: An African Renaissance



{liberatormagazine.com exclusive feature}

Justin Dunnavant is a member of the Kwame Ture Society (KTS), a student organization founded to further the development, dissemination of knowledge, and the advancement of the Africana studies discipline. Members of KTS will be regularly contributing to The Liberator.

The Black Panther Party is said to have deteriorated nearly three decades ago however some of its original members continue to operate thousands of miles across the Atlantic. This summer a handful of Howard students had the opportunity to travel to Arusha, Tanzania for a three-week intensive Kiswahili language course. Between the 8-hour lectures and weekend Safaris the students managed to set aside time to pay homage to political activists and former members of the Black Panther Party, Mzee Pete O’Neal and Mama Charlotte O’Neal. Their compelling story serves as a testimony of the continued international legacy of the Black Panther Party.



In the fall of 1969 Pete O’Neal, the chairman and a founding member of the Kansas City chapter of the Black Panther Party, was arrested and charged with transporting a shotgun across state lines without a license. After repeated verbal threats from local police it became clear that a prison sentence would result in certain death.



O’Neal was tried and sentenced to four years in prison. While out on bail, armed with little more than the ideology of the Black Panther Party, Mzee O’Neal and his wife, Mama Charlotte O’Neal, fled to Algeria with their two children where they remained for two years before relocating to Tanzania in 1972, once a hotbed for Pan-African activity. During their time in Tanzania, they became actively involved in community development and in 1991 officially transformed their home into the United African Alliance Community Center.



Today the organization serves a community of more than 200 people. The single room dwelling that once served as their home has since been turned into a recording studio for local artists. In addition, the UAACC houses a dining hall, dormitory, classrooms, art studio, and computer lab where various English, art, and computer classes are taught all free of charge.

Aside from its various cultural and community events, the Center completed a major community water project, providing a continuous supply of fresh water to the surrounding community. The Center also facilitates student exchanges between Tanzanian and American university and high school students.



When asked about his and Mama Charlotte’s work in Tanzania Mzee O’Neal stated, "It's 100% a continuation of the work we were doing as members of the Black Panther Party without the politics - I never hesitate to tell people that. I am very proud of that history . . . We have taken it to another level by providing opportunities for education and enlightenment here in this setting. But it's the same spirit."

For the Howard University students, witnessing the impact of the O’Neal’s work in Arusha demonstrated the continued relevance of the Black Panther Party. One student noted, “It showed me you don’t need to be a high ranking USAID official or UN aid worker to make a difference. All you need is a solid ideological foundation rooted in the development of the community."



Almost 31 years later, Mzee O’Neal, still considered a U.S. fugitive, is unable to travel back to the United States. He continues to maintain his innocence and work with lawyers in hopes of being granted a repeal. 

For more information on the United African Alliance Community Center and ways you can make a contribution visit the website at www.uaacc.habari.co.tz



























This is from this year and is from Leaders of Tomorrow Children's Home.

Images and History

The Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home is an important part of the United African Alliance Community Center in Imbaseni Village between Mt. Meru and Mt. Kilimanjaro in Tanzania. It was started in 1991 by Pete O’Neal and Charlotte Hill O’Neal of the Kansas City, MO chapter of the Black Panther Party. From the ground up, it has grown into a thriving free school for community members, and a flourishing arts and politically conscious community for the children, students, volunteers, and visiting school groups.
A view of United African Alliance Community Center from the road with English and art classrooms in back.
“Imbaseni Village Water Project, a partnership effort by The Kuji Foundation and the United African Alliance Community Center.” This partnership has brought a community water tap to hundreds of families in the area surrounding the UAACC.

About the Leaders

Agape Kanankira is a standard one student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Agape was born in 2004. She is Tanzanian. Agape has no parents so she lived together with her grandmother in Arusha at a village called Ngurdoto before she came to live at the Children’s Home. When she was four years old Agape went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. She is in standard two and she is interested in studying. She performs well in school due to the fact that she attends other classes at the Children’ Home.
Ayubu Charles was born in 2004. He lived in an extended family in Arusha at a village called Kiwawa before he went to live at the Children’s Home. His parents are both Tanzanian, they are still living together at the same village. When he was four years old Ayubu went to live with his fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Now he is in standard two. Studying, playing football and basketball are his interests. From the time he moved to the Children’s Home, his school performance got better and this is because of opportunities like extra time to study and tuition classes in the evening.
Baraka Laizer is among the twenty three children raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Baraka was born in 2002. He lived together with his parents in Arusha at a village called Ngwanekoli before he went to live at the Children’s Home. His parents are both Tanzanian, they are still living together at the same village. He went to live with his fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home in 2008. Studying is one of his interests. From the moment he moved to the Children’s Home, his school performance got better and this is because of opportunities like extra time to study and tuition classes in the evening. The boy is so curious. He encourages young people especially boys and girls to study hard.
Cresious is a five year old boy from Imbaseni Village. We have no further
information on him at this point.
Elia Privatus is a standard three boy raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Elia Privatus was born in 2002. He lived together with his parents in Arusha at a village called Maji ya Chai before he went to live at the Children’s Home. His parents are both Tanzanian, they are still living together at the same village. When he was six years old Elia went to live with his fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. He is interested in studying and mathematics is his favorite subject. His Performance in school got better ever since she moved to the Children’s Home, and this is due to the fact that he attends tuition classes in the evening at the Children Home. Today, No matter how young he is, he encourages his fellow children especially at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children Home to study hard.
Ennead Frank is among the twenty three children raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Ennead was born in 2005. She lived together with her Uncle in Arusha at a village called Maji ya Chai before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, Unfortunately they are separated and one couldn’t provide Ennead with all the basic needs. Ennead and Perris Frank are twins. When they were three years old they went to live with their fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Now she is in standard one, studying is one of her interest. She performs well in school because she studies hard and she attends tuition class at the Center.
Faraja Yona is a standard one student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Faraja was born in 2005. She is Tanzanian, her father passed away so she lived together with her mother in Arusha at a village called Napoko before she went to live at the Children’s Home. When she was four years old Faraja went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Her mother is so thankful that the Center takes good care of Faraja. She is interested in Studying. She Performs well in school due to the fact that she attends other classes at the Children’ Home. Today, Faraja encourages young people, especially boys and girls at the Children’s Home to study hard.
Halima Omar is a standard three student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Halima was born in 2003. She lived together with her parents in Arusha at a village called Napoko before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, they are still living together at the same village. When she was five years old Halima went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Studying is one of her interest. She Performs well in school due to the fact that she attend other classes at the Children’s Home. Her parents are so happy that the center provides Halima with all the basic needs. Today, Halima encourages young people, especially boys and girls at the Children’s Home to study hard. Her life example teaches us to follow our dreams, no matter how great.
Hamisi Maulid is a standard three student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Hamisi was born in 2003. He lived together with his father in Arusha at a village called Imbaseni before he went to live at the Children’s Home. His parents are both Tanzanian, Unfortunately they are separated. When he was five years old Hamisi went to live with his fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. His father is so thankful that the Center takes good care of his son. Hamisi is interested in Studying and playing football. His Performance in school is getting better due to the fact that he attends other classes at the Children’s Home.
Happiness Joshua was born in 2003. She lived together with her parents in Arusha at a village called Ngongongare before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, they are still living together at the same village. When she was five years old Happiness went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Now she is in standard three, studying is one of her interest. From the moment she moved to the Children’s Home, her school performance got better and this is because of opportunities like extra time to study and tuition classes in the evening.
Hawa Ally is among the twenty three children raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Hawa was born in 2003. She lived together with her mother in Arusha at a village called Ngongongare before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, they are separated. Hawa went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at the age of six. Now she is in standard two, studying is one of her interest. Ever since she moved to the Children’s Home, her school performance got better and this is because of opportunities like extra time to study and tuition classes in the evening.
Irene Thomas was born in 2000. She lived together with her parents in Arusha at a village called Napoko before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, they are still living together at the same village. When she was eight years old Irene went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Now she is in standard six, studying is one of her interest. Ever since she moved to the Children’s Home, her school performance got better and this is because of opportunities like extra time to study and tuition classes in the evening. She is the oldest of all the Children at the Center. She encourages young people especially boys and girls to study hard.
Jacqueline Kanankira is a standard three student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Jacqueline was born in 2003. She lived together with her aunt in Arusha at a village called Ngongongare before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian. When she was five years old Jacqueline went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Her aunt is so thankful that the Center takes good care of Jacqueline. Jacqueline is interested in Studying. Today, her Performance in school is getting better due to the fact that she attend other classes at the Children’ Home.
Joshua Emmanuel is a standard two student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Joshua was born in 2005. He lived together in an extended family in Arusha at a village called Kiwawa before he went to live at the Children’s Home. His parents are both Tanzanian. When he was three years old Joshua went to live with his fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. His mother is so thankful that Joshua is now provided with all the basic needs. Joshua is interested in Studying. His Performance in school is getting better due to the fact that he attend other classes at the Children’ Home.
Joyce Matthew is a standard three student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Joyce was born in 2003. She lived together with her parents in Arusha at a village called Napoko before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, they are still living together at the same village. When she was five years old Joyce went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Studying is one of her interest. She Performs well in school due to the fact that she attend other classes at the Children’s Home.
Mage Elias was born in 2006. Maria lived together with her grandmother and grandfather in Arusha at a village called Sangananu before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Mage and Maria Elias are twins and they are both Tanzanian, now they are living together at the center. Mage came to live at the center when she was three years old. Now she is in kindergarten. She enjoys life in the Center and her grandpa and grandma are so happy that the center takes good care of Mage and Maria.
Maria Elias is among the twenty three children raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. She was born in 2006. Maria lived together with her grandmother and grandfather in Arusha at a village called Sangananu before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Maria and Mage Elias are twins and they are both Tanzanian, now they are living together at the center. Maria came to live at the center when she was three years old. Now she is in kindergarten. She enjoys life in the Center and her grandpa and grandma are so happy that the center takes good care of Maria and Mage.
Miriam Bakari is among the twenty three children raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Miriam was born in 2005. She lived together with her grandfather in Arusha at a village called Imbaseni before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian. When she was three years old Miriam went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. She is interested in studying.  From the moment she moved to the Children’s Home, her school performance got better and this is because of opportunities like extra time to study and tuition classes in the evening.
Omar Athumani is a standard two student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Omar was born in 2004. He lived together with his mother in Arusha at a village called Maji ya Chai before he went to live at the Children’s Home. His parents are both Tanzanian. When he was four years old Omar went to live with his fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. His mother is so thankful that Omar is now provided with all the basic needs. Omar is interested in Studying. His Performance in school is getting better due to the fact that he attend other classes at the Children’ Home.
Perris Frank is among the twenty three children raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Perris was born in 2005. She lived together with her Uncle in Arusha at a village called Maji ya Chai before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, Unfortunately they are separated and one couldn’t provide Ennead with all the basic needs. Perris and Ennead Frank are twins. When they were three years old they went to live with their fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Now she is in standard one, she is interested in studying and watching cartoons. She performs well in school because she studies hard and she attends tuition class at the Center.
Queen Sadiki is a standard three student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Queen was born in 2003. She lived together with her parents in Arusha at a village called Napoko before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, they are still living together at the same village. When she was five years old Queen went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Studying is one of her interest. Today, her Performance in school is getting better due to the fact that she attend other classes at the Children’s Home.
Suleiman Mohamed is a standard two student raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Suleiman was born in 2004. He lived in an extended family in Arusha at a village called Napoko before he went to live at the Children’s Home. His parents are both Tanzanian. When he was four years old Suleiman went to live with his fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. His family is so thankful that Suleiman is now provided with all the basic needs. Suleiman is interested in studying. His performance in school is getting better due to the fact that he attend other classes at the Children’ Home.
Winnie Charles is among the twenty three children raised at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home at Imbaseni Village in Arusha Tanzania. Winnie was born in 2005. She lived together with her mother in Arusha at a village called Imbaseni before she went to live at the Children’s Home. Her parents are both Tanzanian, they are not living together at the village. When she was four years old Winnie went to live with her fellow children at the Leaders of Tomorrow Children’s Home. Now she is in standard two, she is interested in studying. From the time she came to the Children’s Home, her school performance got better and this is because of opportunities like extra time to study and tuition classes in the evening.

PLEASE STOP THE ABUSE, TORTURE, AND SLAUGHTER OF GREYHOUNDS NOW

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HAWK HIMSELF, GRACING THE COVER OF THIS YEAR'S KANSAS CITY REGAP CALENDAR
(AVAILABLE AT KCREGAP)


I am going to start out 2013 at Scission with some information that my newest greyhound friend Hawk has asked me to pass along.  He wants everyone to know just what is what with the greyhound racing and killing industry which we both despise with a passion.  He wants you to know that greyhounds, amongst the sweetest creatures you will ever meet, didn't do anything bad to humans to deserve in any way the treatment some humans dish out to them.  Hawk knows that not all humans are nasty, uncaring, money grubbing, creeps, but he needs you to know that some are.  Speaking on behalf of all his sisters and brothers, Hawk is asking for your help to put a stop to the torture and murder.  He also wants to thank all the wonderful humans who have given greyhounds happy forever homes.

The following is from Planet Greyhound.


The Difference Between Greyhound Racing’s
Propaganda and Reality is like:
NIGHT AND DAY


Racing Industry Promotional Claims..



1) Greyhound racing is a humane, fun and harmless sport.

2) Racing greyhounds are prized athletes that receive the best of care. We treat our greyhounds better than most people treat their pets.

3) Cases of abuse and killing of racing greyhounds are rare isolated incidents.

4) Critics of the dog racing industry are wacko animal rights extremists who are opposed to the use of animals for any purpose.

5) Humane Societies euthanize thousands of unwanted dogs.

6) We would not have to euthanize greyhounds if more people would adopt them.

7) Racing greyhounds would not run if they were not well cared for.

8) Greyhound racing is a highly regulated sport with high standards of animal care.

 

The Reality..



1) The business of greyhound racing is responsible for the death of thousands upon thousands of greyhounds every year.

2) Greyhound adoption organizations routinely receive racing dogs riddled with external and internal parasites, open sores and untreated broken bones. Many are also covered with scars.

3) Over the last two decades, hundreds of cases of abuse have been documented including greyhounds that were shot, starved, electrocuted and sold for research. Industry insiders report that this is only the tip of the iceberg.

4) This statement is merely a public relations ploy designed to marginalize industry critics. The killing and abuse of greyhounds is a mainstream issue that has been taken to heart by the American public. Opposition to industry practices has been publicly stated in newspaper editorials, by government officials and mainstream animal welfare organizations.

5) Humane Societies do not breed dogs; make money off of them; kill them. Then repeat the cycle.

6) It is not the responsibility of private charities like adoption organizations or the American public to white wash the image of the dog racing industry.

7) Running is instinctual for greyhounds. In fact, it is not uncommon for a greyhound to finish a race in spite of having suffered a serious injury.

8) In most states, dog racing regulations are essentially concerned with gambling rules; breeding and training farm operations are virtually unregulated.

Where Do All Those Puppies Go..



Many greyhound puppies and youngsters are judged to be of inferior racing quality at birth or during the farm training process. Many owners elect not to continue investing in dogs that demonstrate little potential of making money; the vast majority of those dogs are destroyed on the farm before they ever start a racing career. In recent years the yearly disappearance of thousands of puppies is explained away by the industry spokesperson as death from “natural causes”. However, this same spokesperson admitted in an interview that puppies were, in fact, destroyed on the farms. Industry insiders confirm that large numbers of pups are destroyed. Young greyhounds that do show promise are individually registered and named before going to a track at about 18 months.

In the tenth century, King Howel of Wales declared that the penalty for killing a greyhound was the same as that of killing a person, death. In the days of the Egyptians, greyhounds were valued by the pharaohs for their grace, beauty and mild temperament. But in the 21st century, greyhounds in the racing world are prized for only one thing…speed. Every year thousands of greyhounds are killed in various inhumane ways simply because they are not fast enough. 

It’s an industry that exists solely for the entertainment of humans at the cost of animal lives.

Because greyhound racing has little to do with dogs and everything to do with money, scant regard is given to the humane treatment of the greyhounds. This is an industry that places profits above the health and welfare of greyhounds, how else would you explain the culling of unwanted dogs, a general disregard toward animal injury, and the inhumane living conditions that the majority of the dogs endure?

Struggling to Survive….



Greyhounds are at a disadvantage even before they are born. Tens of thousands of greyhounds are bred annually, many more than are needed to race, in an attempt to create the fastest dogs. The greyhounds are then “weeded out “killed” if they are at any time determined unable to become racetrack stars.

“From the time they are born, they are judged for their racing ability,” says Laura Bevan, director of the Southeast Regional Office of The HSUS. “As puppies they may be killed, or culled, if they don’t have potential to be good racers. After that, any injury or slow down of speed can mean death. The dogs are a commercial product, and once it is determined that they don’t have value as a racer at a track, their days are numbered.”

Throughout their racing career, the dogs routinely endure inhumane conditions and have little human contact. Many greyhound farms are barely getting by financially, so the dogs are kept caged most of the time and fed low quality foods. Each dog is a major expense, which is why so many are killed in various, inhumane, ways when they are deemed unfit to race.

 Please consider adopting a greyhound. So many are waiting for someone like you and me to save their lives. And if adoption is not an option for you right now, they are always in need of people who are willing to foster. In fact, there are many ways you can help, so please do. Join the fight to stop  the racing and subsequent killing of these precious greyhounds. 


IDLE NO MORE'S CHALLENGE TO US ALL: ARE WE READY TO BE "A FACTORY PRODUCING MONKEY WRENCHES FOR THE GEARS OF THE MACHINE WHICH IS AT THE CENTER OF OUR COLLECTIVE DEMISE?"

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Idle No More is the latest and, perhaps, the most dramatic example of the multitude taking on the Empire.  It began in Canada but it spread almost instantly  to EVERYWHERE.  There is no outside when all is inside.  Idle No More means every single day is a day for action.  Idle No More has leadership and no leadership.  It is young and it is old.  It has demands and it has no demands.  It is local and it is international.  It is traditional and it is virtual.

Jacob Devaney writes, 


"At its very core, all of these movements have very common threads and are born from common issues facing people everywhere. Those who represent financial interests that value money over life itself, that are devoid of basic respect for human decency, and for nature have dictated the future for too long and people everywhere are standing up to say, "No more." This non-violent social uprising is viral in the minds and hearts of everyone across the planet determined to bring healing to our troubled communities, our planet, and the corruption that is eroding the highest places of governments around the world."

He is right and he is wrong.  Idle No more is a movement of the indigenous people.  It can't be stolen from them.  However, Idle No More touches so many beyond the indigenous community as well simply because the Empire is molding us all into one big mass of singularities, the same, yet different.


Dave Sauer, president of the Winnipeg Labour Council, says in the Winnipeg Metro, the issues being raised by the Idle No More protests, specifically the federal government’s Bill C-45, affect Canadians of all backgrounds — and should therefore interest them.

“As a trade unionist, we live and die by our … agreements,” said Sauer. “The treaties that we’ve made with the First Nations of this country… right now it’s pretty obvious that those are not being followed through on, one end is not honouring the agreement.”


Wab Kinew, director of indigenous inclusion at the University of Winnipeg, wrote anarticle for the Huffington Post on the Idle No More movement when it started gathering steam in December.

“When aboriginal people do well, all of Canada does well,” said Kinew, adding he hopes Idle No More also becomes an awakening for young people of all backgrounds and political stripes to get educated on and engaged with “the policies and the programs that are going to determine their futures.

“A lot of the things which other Canadian people prize, like the great outdoors, the rights and freedoms that we have, these are values that most of the people involved with Idle No More are focusing on.”


Idle No More is also a flash Round Dance in Denver where five people were arrested, including a seventeen year old Cheyenne/Arapaho by the name of Cheyenne Birdshead.

Idle No More is the increbibly courageous and insipiring Attawapiskat First Nation chief Theresa Spence whose hunger strike is moving the Earth itself. 


And yet, Idle No More is not Chief Spence at all.  After all it began before Chief Spence began her hunger strike as a grass roots movement while Chief Spence represents more traditional indigenous leadership.  

Founding organizers of Idle No More in Saskatchewan posted a statement online saying that elected First Nations chiefs do not speak for the social movement.


"The chiefs have called for action, and anyone who chooses can join with them, however this is not part of the Idle No More movement," the statement said.
"While we appreciate the individual support we have received from the chiefs and councillors, we have been given a clear mandate by the grassroots to work outside the system of government, and that is what we will continue to do."
Chief Spence responded to that call.  "We need to continue to encourage and stand in solidarity as Indigenous Nations," Spence said in a statement Wednesday. "We are at a historical moment in time, and I ask that grassroots, chiefs and all community members come together in one voice."
Not to worry, not really.
Pamela Palmater, a politics professor and leader with Idle No More, is quoted on the CBC stating the movement has remained largely united as it has gained momentum and that any debate over leadership has to do with who sets the agenda.
"I think what [the founders of Idle No More] were trying to convey was that they don't want the First Nations political organizations to take the reins, and decide what will and won't happen with the grassroots people."
"But that's different from us as Idle No More working with the chiefs on the ground," she added. "This whole movement started out with that partnership and we've maintained that partnership all the way through."


At the blog Shift Frequency, Morgan Maher writes:

"After generations of genocide, political slight-of-hand, segregation and degradation, after being tossed empty words and shoved with broken promises, broken homes, broken lives, suicides, dead food and contaminated water – thousands upon thousands of indigenous people are gathering in cities, towns, villages, malls, plazas, galleries, roads and railways across Canada, the US – all around the planet – to dance, sing and stand up for human rights and human decency..."

Again, Idle No More is an uprising, a fight back, a struggle for the future led by and for the indigenous people of Canada and the indigenous people of the world.

Kirstin Scansen is a Nehithaw woman, from the Lac La Ronge Indian Band in Treaty 6 territory, Saskatchewan says,


Idle No More presents a challenge to the old colonial order that forms the basis of Canadian society. This movement has been about challenging oppression in very real and very meaningful ways. It has meant questioning the legitimacy and authority of colonial laws by pushing the limits of these laws. Idle No More means not only speaking of Indigenous sovereignty, but living out our inherent sovereignty as nations. This is especially important in the case of Omnibus Bill C-45, where our fundamental human rights to clean water, lands and foods are at risk. Essentially, Harper and the Conservative government of Canada are legislating the extinguishment of our Indigenous nationhood.  Our response has been two-fold: to re-situate ourselves as nations, and to rejuvenate the commitment of our people and Settler society to the Treaty relationship."

And Idle No More is Much More...which brings us back to Jacob Devaney who writes further, 


Society and nature work in similar ways to our own body’s immune system. We are given a symptom that causes us to be aware that there is an illness that needs to be addressed. We can try to suppress the symptom, but that does not heal the illness. Popular uprisings with very core commonalities are spreading all over the planet. Exploitation of our environment, as well as the exploitation of people and cultures for the sake of financial gain is immoral and must be stopped at the highest levels of our governments."

Devaney, who by the way is  is Founder and Director of Culture Collective, adds we, you and I, face a rather simple choice.  He writes that we can either:


"...continue to be part of the cancer that slowly destroys our water, our air and the resources that are the fabric of life by staying unconscious, or become the conscious antidote that slowly kills the cancerous disease which threatens the existence of life on the planet..."

or, we can be the equivalent of,


"A factory producing monkey wrenches for the gears of the machine which is at the center of our collective demise."

The following is from Indian Country Today.


Idle No More, Indeed

BY: WINONA LADUKE
JANUARY 03, 2013








As Attawapiskat Chief Theresa Spence enters her fourth week on a hunger strike outside the Canadian parliament, thousands of protesters in Los Angeles, London, Minneapolis and New York City, voice their support. Spence and the protesters of the Idle No More Movement, are drawing attention to some deplorable conditions in Native communities, and recently passed legislation C-45, which sidesteps most Canadian environmental laws. "Flash mob" protests with traditional dancing and drumming have erupted in dozens of shopping malls across North America, marches and highway blockades by aboriginal groups across Canada and supporters have emerged from as far away as New Zealand and the Middle East. This weekend, hundreds of Native people and their supporters held a flash mob round dance with hand drum singing, at the Mall of America, again as a part of the Idle No More protest movement. This quickly emerging wave of Native activism on environmental and human rights issues has spread like a wildfire across the continent.


“Idle No More” is Canadian for “that’s enough BS, we’re coming out to stop you,” or something like that. Spence is the leader of Attawapiskat First Nation, a very remote Cree community from James Bay, Ontario. The community’s on reserve 1,549 residents ( a third of whom are under l9) have weathered quite a bit, the fur trade, residential schools, a status as non-treaty Indians, and limited access to modern conveniences- like a toilet, or maybe electricity. This is a bit common place in the north, but it has become exacerbated in the past five years, with the advent of a huge diamond mine.

DeBeers, the largest diamond mining company in the world moved into Cree territory company in 2006 . The company states it is “is committed to sustainable development in local communities.” This is good to know. This is also where the first world meets the third world in the north, as Canadian MP Bob Rae discovered last year on his tour of the rather destitute conditions of the village. There is no road into the village eight months of the year, four months a year, during freeze up , there’s an ice road. A diamond mine needs a lot of infrastructure. And that has to be shipped in, so the trucks launch out of Moosonee, Ontario. Then, they build a better road. The problem is that the road won’t work when the climate changes, and already stretched infrastructure gets tapped out. .” Last year, Attawapiskat drew international attention , when many families in the Cree community were living in tents at minus 40 .

There is some money flowing in. A 2010 report from DeBeers states that payments to eight communities associated with its two mines in Canada totaled $5,231,000. Forbesmagazine reports record diamond sales by the "world’s largest diamond company...increased 33 percent, year-over-year, to $3.5 billion. The mining giant, which produces more than a third of the world’s rough diamonds, also reported record EBITDA of almost $1.2 billion, a 55 percent increase over the first the first half of 2010.”

As the Canadian Mining Watch group notes “Whatever Attawapiskat’s share of that $5-million is, given the chronic under-funding of the community, the need for expensive responses to deal with recurring crises, including one that DeBeers themselves may have precipitated by overloading the community’s sewage system, it’s not surprising that the community hasn’t been able to translate its … income into improvements in physical infrastructure . Neighboring Kaschewan is in similar disarray. They have been boiling water, and importing water. The village almost had a complete evacuation due to health conditions, and “ … fuel shortages are becoming more common among remote northern Ontario communities right now,” Alvin Fiddler, Deputy Grand Chief of the Nishnawbe Aski Nation, explained to a reporter. That’s because the ice road used to truck in a year’s supply of diesel last winter did not last as long as usual. “Everybody is running out now. We’re looking at a two-month gap” until this winter’s ice road is solid enough to truck in fresh supplies, Mr. Fiddler said.

Kashechewan’s chief and council are poised to shut down the band office, two schools, the power generation centre, the health clinic and the fire hall because the buildings were not heated and could no longer operate safely. “ In addition some 21 homes had become uninhabitable,” according to Chief Derek Stephen . Those basements had been flooded last spring, as the weather patterns changed. Just as a side note, in 2007, some 21 Cree youth from Kashechewan attempted to commit suicide, and the Canadian aboriginal youth suicide rate is five times the national average. Both communities are beneficiaries of an agreement with DeBeers.

The reality is that these communities would never see the light of media attention, if it wasn’t for Theresa Spence, and probably facebook, twitter and social media. Chief Theresa Spence is still hoping to meet with Prime Minister Stephen Harper, urging him to "open his heart" and meet with native leaders angered by his policies. "He's a person with a heart but he needs to open his heart. I'm sure he has faith in the Creator himself and for him to delay this, it's very disrespectful, I feel, to not even meet with us," she said. Native communities receive little or no attention, until a human rights crisis of great proportion causes national shame. Facebook and social media may change and equalize access for those who never see the spotlight. ( Just think of Arab Spring). With the help of social media the Idle No More movement has taken on a life of its own in much the same way the first "Occupy Wall Street" camp gave birth to a multitude of "occupy" protests with no clear leadership. "This has spread in ways that we wouldn't even have imagined," said Sheelah McLean, an instructor at the University of Saskatchewan , one of the four women who originally coined the "Idle No More" slogan. "What this movement is supposed to do is build consciousness about the inequalities so that everyone is outraged about what is happening here in Canada. Every Canadian should be outraged." Actually, we all should be outraged, and Idle no More.

Winona LaDuke is an Anishinaabekwe (Ojibwe) enrolled member of the Mississippi Band Anishinaabeg who lives and works on the White Earth Reservations, and is the mother of three children. She is also the Executive Director of Honor the Earth, where she works on a national level to advocate, raise public support, and create funding for frontline native environmental 



NEW TOOLS FOR COPS OR IS CYBER PUNK SCIFI NOW

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NOT TO BE CONFUSED WITH OFFICER FRIENDLY


It is Prison Friday here at Scission and I have found an article at the San Francisco Bay View which is almost not to be believed, but it must be.  I don't even know exactly how to describe this article except to say it sounds like something you might read in some punk science fiction novel.  I am talking about hand cuffs like none you have ever imagined...and they may be just around the corner waiting for you....in the Torture States of America.



Electroshock torture handcuffs now patented: Deliver shocking torture, ‘gas injections’ and ‘chemical restraints’ to prisoners via remote control


It’s like something ripped right out of a dystopian futuristic sci-fi novel: A U.S. patent has been uncovered that describes electronic handcuffs capable of delivering torturous electroshocks, “gas injections” and injectable “chemical restraints” to prisoners who wear them. The cuffs can be remote-controlled by prison guards, cops or MPs to deliver stronger or weaker electroshocks as desired… or even chemical injections.
Electric-Shock-Handcuffs-Patent-Concept
Photo courtesy of PatentBolt.com, which originally discovered this patent
The device is described inU.S. patent application number 20120298119, and the three people behind its invention are Corbin Reese of Scottsdale, Ariz., Donald L.Pegg of Chandler, Ariz., and Lucius L. Lockwood of Phoenix, Ariz.

As described in the patent application: “Embodiments of the restraining device of the present invention includes a restraint for physically constraining movement of at least a portion of a detainee’s body; an electric shock component coupled to the restraint; and a control system coupled to the electric shock component, the control system configured to cause the electric shock component to deliver a shock to the detainee when a predetermined condition occurs. The restraining device may be any device capable of being attached to a detainee and restraining at least a portion of the detainee’s body, and in various implementations may include at least one of: a handcuff; an ankle cuff; a restraining belt; a straightjacket; a harness; a facial restraint; a helmet; and a neck collar; and combinations thereof.


Combined with RFID to deliver proximity electroshocks


The handcuffs are able to deliver electroshock torture in combination with RFID chips that determine the distance between prisoners and weapons or other objects. If the prisoner wearing the cuffs approaches too closely to an RFID-equipped object, they are electro-shocked.

As the patent describes, “if a weapon is equipped with an RFID or other identification device, sensors in the restraining device may transmit a signal and receive a response signal indicating that a weapon is in a predetermined proximity, and if the detainee does not move away from the weapon to cause the response signal to fall below a predetermined threshold, a shock will be administered.”


If you fail to verbally acknowledge, you will be electroshocked


The cuffs can also be configured to deliver electroshocks to prisoners upon their failure to verbally acknowledge something. As described in the patent: “In yet another embodiment, an unauthorized activity occurs when the detainee fails to provide a predetermined verbal acknowledgement.”

If you do not answer, “Yes, sir!” in other words, you will be tortured for your silence.


‘Gas injection’ system medicates prisoner with government chemicals


It’s not enough to merely electroshock torture prisoners who are wearing these cuffs, by the way. The invention also includes microscopic needles and a “gas injection system” to inject the prisoner with whatever drugs or chemicals the government desires.

As described in the patent: “Various embodiments of the restraining device of the present invention also comprise a substance delivery system in communication with the control system, wherein the control system is configured to cause the substance delivery system to expose the detainee to the substance. The substance may include any substance capable of being stored or delivered by the restraining device to achieve any desired result, and may be a least one of a liquid, a gas, a dye, an irritant, a medication, a sedative, a transdermal medication or transdermal enhancers such as dimethyl sulfoxide, a chemical restraint, a paralytic, a medication prescribed to the detainee, and combinations thereof. In some embodiments, the restraining device may be configured to inject the substance through a movable needle or gas injection system. Administration of such substances may be in addition to or in place of any electric shocks delivered by the restraining device, and substances may be delivered to achieve any desired goal such as providing a needed medication to a patient, preventing occurrence of uncontrollable psychotic episodes or seizures, suppression of undesirable behavior, chemical restraint when electrical restraint is insufficient (such as in the case if an energy storage device in the restraining device has insufficient charge state) or any other desired reason.”

Can you get any more police state than this?


Brought to you by the same company that manufactures S&M sex toys


Fun Cuffs electroshock sex toys
This picture, taken from the home page of the inventors of electroshock handcuffs, depicts some of the sex bondage cuffs that their company promotes at FunCuffs.com.

Natural News has learned that the inventors of these electroshock torture handcuffs are the same people involved in the manufacture and marketing of S&M sex toy handcuffs. As their home page explains, Fun Cuffs are electroshock sex toys that deliver “naughty” shocks to whatever perverted sex partner you might be toying with at the moment

As their website explains: “Fun Cuffs is a revolutionary product that combines traditional handcuffs with the ability to remotelyshock the person wearing the Fun Cuffs. The level of shock can be adjusted on the remote from “nice” to “naughty.” The Fun Cuffs are rechargeable so they are long lasting, allowing more time to enjoy the excitement they will bring to your play.”

These electroshock S&M cuffs were apparently the beginning of what has now become a new police state electroshock torture device. On their home page as viewed on Dec. 12, 2012, they tease about what’s coming soon with their electroshock torturehandcuffs, saying, “Stay tuned. More shocking news to come …” as if it’s all a big joke.

In case Fun Cuffs changes their home page (which they will after this story goes viral), we have captured an image of their home page, taken on Dec. 12, 2012. Click here to view it.

Prison guards, TSA and federal police state goons exhibit cruel behavior



If you put these electroshock torture devices into the hands of today’s sociopathic law enforcers, it creates the perfect recipe for cruel and unusual punishment of victims who have merely been handcuffed and may not be guilty of any crime whatsoever.

In California, the raw milk man James Stewart was shackled by LA County Jail goons who chained Stewart’s arms and legs together, then left him in a cold, isolated cell to suffer from hypothermia. This was all part of an effort to get Stewart to relent and give in to a plea bargain – which he eventually did, in order to save his own life.

Had LA County Jail guards been given access to these new patented “electroshock torture handcuffs,” they would no doubt have enjoyed a few rounds of delivering painful shocks to Stewart’s body as they remote controlled the device.

This is the problem with the introduction of new torture technologies into a police state society that utterly lacks ethics, morals and compassion. The United States government no longer even follows law! Instead of the devices being used for the purpose of protecting citizens’ rights as guaranteed under the U.S. Bill of Rights, they will be used as entertainment devices for police state goons to “get their kicks” by torturing prisoners.

Mike Adams, known as the Health Ranger, is the editor of NaturalNews.com, where this story first appeared. To view the complete patent application for electroshock handcuffs and all its claims, go to the U.S. Patent & Trademark Office.

AUTONOMIA: POLITICAL POLITICS

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Theoretical Weekends at Scission, just in a nick of time.  What I have come up with today is a review of a very unusual book which I first read while a member of the Sojourner Truth Organization sometime, I would think, around 1980.  I read it again last summer and it is still...as much an experience as a read.  Apparently it has been re-published more recently.  Whatever.  What we have here is a review of  AUTONOMIA: POST POLITICAL POLITICS, SYLVERE LOTINGER, ET AL. (EDS) FROM THE WEBSITE OF THE JOURNAL
Upping the Anti.



Digging Up Autonomia

Reviewed by Frank Edgewick

Reviewed in this article

Autonomia: Post Political Politics
Sylvère Lotringer, et al. (eds), Semiotext(e), 2007.
The original “movement of movements,” Autonomia grew out of the Italian student and worker mobilizations of 1968. It included migrant workers, feminists, and the unemployed. In 1977, it exploded into open revolt in the industrialized north of Italy. It made important links between theory and action and marked a major transition away from party structures towards mass anti-authoritarianism.
Somewhere between an anthology and a cloud of news clippings, Semiotexte’s Autonomia: Post-Political Politics is an attempt to conceptualize Autonomia as an event. A reprint of a 1980 edition of the Semiotexte journal, Autonomia comprises three main parts, Italian (post)-Marxist Autonomist theory, the arrest of its theorists, and their critiques of the Leninist urban guerilla Red Brigades with whom the prosecution conflated them. These are bookended by introductions by Lotringer and Marazzi and a short comic from the Autonomist journal Metropoli.
While the assemblage might have functioned to bring together the event of Autonomia in 1980, today it’s painfully obscure even to those who are familiar with the movements, theorists, and course of events it sets out to explore. Even when there are indications of endnotes to explain the legions of minor officials and demonstrations that get mentioned, they are often missing. Other articles are cut to the point of nonsense. Oresto Scalzone’s “From Guaranteeism to Armed Politics” contains the section concerned with guaranteeism but armed struggle is nowhere to be found. Although it’s not the only one, the contribution by American pacifist Judith Malina is simply a terrible piece of writing. While I understand the desire to publish a facsimile, it’s painful to see that Semiotexte couldn’t be bothered to correct the typos and fill in the blanks for readers to make the edition worthwhile.1
If you try to read it cover-to-cover, Autonomia: Post-Political Politics is a terrible book and a painful experience. However, if you’re choosy, the collection can offer an interesting glimpse into the history of engaged theory. What’s more, Autonomia’s failures call into question our own anti-authoritarian practices. The trick is to avoid the articles that read like a cross between aged Reuters copy and wiretap transcripts, which are largely those dealing with the April 7th arrests of Autonomist theorists.
The reasons the movement was called “Autonomia” becomes clear in the course of the theoretical articles. The name denotes a state of affairs where something gives itself its own law or standard. In the first instance, it refers to those sections of the movement that were literally trying to build autonomous spaces outside of capitalism. In the second instance, it refers to the autonomy of workers from the “official worker’s movement,” the Italian Communist Party, and the parliamentary system. In the third instance, it refers to the autonomous productivity of the working class, which challenges capitalism to adapt to it. This point is significant, since it contradicts the Marxist orthodoxy that finds the working class beholden to the whims of capital. According to Autonomist theorist Mario Tronti, “the problem is already the other way around, and has been right from the start” (31).
While Marxism is the touchstone of Autonomist thought, Autonomia transformed several key concepts and, in the process, significantly altered class analysis and its relation to class struggle. Tronti’s article “The Strategy of Refusal” addresses these transformations by considering the relationship between the class, its organization, and the revolution. According to Tronti, “when the class constitutes itself as a party, it is revolution in action” and that “the relationship Class-Party-Revolution is far tighter… than it is currently being presented, even by Marxists” (33-34). If we take this “tight” relationship to its logical conclusion, we can see that there is no interval between party, class, and revolution. For Tronti, the self-articulation of the working class as such is a revolutionary political achievement since it implies its breaking with its exploitative articulation by capital. Since the collapse of the temporal interval means that there can be no “planning for the revolution,” Autonomia focuses on the self-valorization of the class through the organization of workers’ refusal to submit to the logic of capital.
Each time the class articulates itself, capital must disrupt this composition with its own articulation or lose its dominance and die. According to Tronti, “increasing organization of exploitation, its continual reorganization at the very highest levels of industry and society are … responses by capital to workers’ refusal to submit” (31). The autonomous process of working class self-organization interacts with the process of capital but does not depend on it. For Tronti, working class power is “non-institutionalised political power” (32). Following this “tight” model to its conclusion, it becomes clear that class composition as a process is itself the field of political struggle.
Widening the political field in this way means that the entire social process – both inside and outside the factory – can be analysed in terms of its implications for class composition. In “The Tribe of Moles,” Sergio Bologna describes how “the concepts of capital and class composition are far better suited to define the dynamic of class relations today as relations of power” (36). For Autonomia, not only is revolution a present-tense phenomenon, it is also a process that takes place in homes, schools, the media, and in the factory. These multiple fields of engagement mean that there are also multiple openings for revolutionary politics. These are the entry holes of the eponymous “Tribe of Moles” that digs away wherever capital articulates people into processes of exploitation.
Given the reoccupation of the large factories by the political system, Bologna proposes that it is the small factory that provides “the best terrain” for the mole to “dig once again” (50-51, 54). Since struggles are related to one another in the first instance only through their conflict with capital’s productive articulation, Bologna argues that political potential rests in “a set of recompositional mechanisms that start, precisely, from a base of dishomogeneity” (51). Campaigns like wages for housework and the 150 hours paid study leave for factory workers made links across these varied fields, putting the factory, the university and the home in close contact, and so recombining them into a movement without homogenizing those based in each sector. At its best, the concept of class composition allows Autonomia to remain within the anti-capitalist tradition while diversifying its mode of struggle. It avoids falling into the ad hoc “common front” logic of a majority of political minorities because the struggle for class composition gives it unity.
Yet, maintaining class struggle at the centre of autonomist thought requires the sacrifice of an easily identifiable and homogenous protagonist. The dissolution of the hegemonic category “worker” marks a transition from socialist humanism to communist post-humanism. Although Negri’s concept of “proletarian self-valorisation” entails a humanist project insofar as it considers direct valorization without passage through the commodity cycle, it ends by overturning the basis for humanist universality. This is because production itself fractures beyond recognition without the commodity form to constrain it. Autonomous social workers produce and realize their desires directly. They overflow the subjective limits of the “mass” worker and spill over into a schizo cluster of subjectivities as conceptualized by Deleuze and Guattari. Since socialist humanism is anchored by the universality of the social worker, the productive differentiation of social workers disrupts humanism.
Paolo Virno’s “Dreamers of a Successful Life” provides an interesting account of Autonomia’s movement toward the anti-humanist economy of desire envisioned by Deleuze and Guattari. He is critical of those who heap praise on the “new desires” for leisure, drugs, creative outlets, self-improvement, wellness and more, on the grounds that these desires are mistakenly imagined as outside of the productive cycle of capitalism itself. For Virno, “social needs no longer represent either the point of departure or the point of arrival for the process of production.” Instead, “they constitute a ‘middle term’ in the route traveled [sic] by ‘money as capital’” (115). Rather than denoting the “existential radicalness” of my own being, needs express the historical form of labour and are part of “that ‘expanded reproduction’ of the prevailing social relationships” (115). These diversifying needs are invested by capitalist articulation of the working class. However, Virno pushes it one step further. He writes:
either needs are ordered by money and abstract labor, or they are filtered and arranged in a hierarchy in accordance with all the ramifications of the social aspect of the labor process, which is no longer measurable in terms of the law of value… from the reality of a broadened concept of labor stems a hierarchy of needs oriented toward emancipation, a hierarchy which is antithetical to the one mandated by the general equivalent (116).
For Virno, not only is desire itself not above suspicion, it must also be reworked as part of the revolutionary project. This requires that desire itself become an object of work and that it be subjected to hierarchical ordering on the basis of its use value for the project of self-valorization. This is in close proximity to the ethics of reconfigured desire in Deleuze and Guattari’s work and the erotic ethics of techniques of the self in late Foucault, even while Virno maintains an explicitly revolutionary program.
Part of Virno’s argument is that the revolutionary reorganization of needs requires a break with abstract labour and the general equivalent. It necessarily implies a break with capitalist economics, since money is the general equivalent and wage labour is human productive activity converted into its abstract monetary equivalent. In this way, Virno’s analysis of desire leads him to reject economics and labour as contrary to revolutionary self-valorization. This is the point that Tronti arrives at through his macroanalysis of class struggle (where labour is the imposition of capital upon workers). It’s not simply that capitalists wish to maximize their profit; labour is the condition for the existence of capitalists in the first place. Economics and labour are tools that rationalize and maintain capital’s dependence on, and dominance over, the working class despite capital’s ultimate subordination to workers (31). Consequently, for Negri, “proletarian self-valorisation is the power to withdraw from exchange value and the ability to reappropriate the world of use values” (66). At its simplest, Negri is referring to the worker’s ability to take the afternoon off and enjoy the sunshine, a use value that can’t be circulated to enrich capital. Pushed further, his thesis encompasses the refusal to allow potentially convertible use-values to be converted into exchange values, as when workers steal products rather than allowing them to be sold. At its logical conclusion, Autonomia implies a turn toward the direct appropriation of use-values.
The practical implications of this point are significant. The turn toward use-value demands a break with the social-democratic logic of collective bargaining, which poses demands in the language of exchange-value (pay for holidays, raises, insurance, etc.). In contrast, the emphasis on use-value allows for demands to be made that accord with subjects other than homo oeconomicus (including, at its threshold, group subjects of collective enjoyment). In this way, Autonomia’s orientation to use-value ties together diverse forms of engagement including absenteeism, the autoreduction movement,2 squats, the occupation of public space, and pirate radio. Each of these forms of engagement is objectively anti-capitalist because it breaks the relationship between money and use value that allows labour to be imposed on workers. They also work to integrate “non-workers” into the struggle, thus drawing the tribe of moles together to form a pack. As social workers, they recompose the new working class. As marginal phenomena, these forms of engagement are easily recovered by power structures. However, when they are linked together, they advance the process of self-valorization by joining people together in struggle while (at the same time) aiding an exodus from the labour relation.
Autonomia’s analysis of exchange value and their emphasis on use value suggests a left criticism of socialism. Following from direct struggles over class-composition and opposition to the state as the means by which the working class becomes articulated exploited labour, Autonomia stands in opposition to socialism. From the point of view of left movements in North America, this might seem divisive and unreasonable. However, given the historical failure of socialism in the East and West, this line of reasoning deserves further consideration. Autonomia was a movement for communism; it implemented communism as its means of struggle. In contrast, socialism is a system concerned with the distribution of exchange value. It depends on the generalization of labour and state regulated class articulation to stabilize itself. This is antithetical to self-valorization, class composition, and post-economic cooperation. Socialized capital is still capital and behaves as such. While Marx suggested that socialism was an intermediate step from capitalism towards communism, Autonomia considered socialism an exploitative development of capitalism, contrary to communism, and considering the advanced stage of today’s capitalism, argued for the viability of creating communism directly, here and now. Strategically, this means that we should not throw our energy behind centre-left strategies concerned with reforms. Instead, we need to work to make openings for the moles to begin digging once again.
Despite these important theoretical developments, Autonomia failed to achieve its goal. Exploitation was not replaced with self-organized communism, but rather was intensified. The Italian state made strategic use of the Red Brigades terrorist attacks in order to imprison tens of thousands of activists. But while the state’s actions seriously impacted the movement, they cannot be viewed as the cause of Autonomia’s failure. As an anti-authoritarian movement, Autonomia’s vulnerability to this attack is a practical failure to disrupt the state. Given that state repression is now more effective than ever, the question with which we must concern ourselves is how Autonomia found itself in a position to be repressed at all.
Paradoxically, it appears that Autonomia’s failure arose precisely because it was so massive and vibrant. The movement’s theorists attempted to find a unified language of universal expression so that the movement could bring together disparate social sectors in order to compose a new political subject. In the process, they became recognizable to the state as humanist subjects capable of expressing themselves. This represents a step backwards from class composition as social workers, a step back into the capitalist articulation of and domination over the working class. In so doing, they made themselves targets for arrest and imprisonment. Autonomia was still too intelligible, too universal, too much of a movement, and still too representational, mirroring the communications logic of the mass media. By launching so many books, magazines, newspapers, and radio stations, they allowed new noises to overtake new values.
This sombre note can be detected in Félix Guattari and Eric Alliez’s contributions “The Proliferation of Margins” and “Hegel and the Wobblies.” Although militants with Autonomia seem to have understood the pressing need to break with universality, it was never thoroughly put into practice. Similarly, Collective A / Traverso argue that Autonomia’s failure arose from the fact that it obsessed over truth, opposing the obvious to the secret rather than seeking to become an imperceptible current or contagion. This is not a dry historical point since the contemporary theory of “Multitude” is a reworking of class composition and still works in much the same way. So too do many recent projects of the global extra-parliamentary left – from Gaza support to open borders activism to the renewal of labour organising. For the stunning successes and terrible failures of Autonomia, and our own organising, Autonomia: Post-Political Politics (or at least a portion of it) deserves careful consideration by contemporary anti-capitalists.
Notes
1 Of course, an electronic facsimile of the original journal is available on-line at generation-online.org and text files of articles are available there and through marxists.org
2 “Autoreduction” is the term given to the process by which consumers set the price of commodities according to what they deem to be reasonable.

SHARK FIN SOUP: IT'S WHAT SHOULDN'T BE FOR DINNER...EVER

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An environmental activist holds a picture of a dead and finned shark next to shark fins drying in the sun covering the roof of a factory building in Hong Kong on January 2, 2013.


STOP SHARK FINNING writes:



Every year tens of millions of sharks die a slow death because of finning. Finning is the inhumane practice of hacking off the shark's fins and throwing its still living body back into the sea. The sharks either starve to death, are eaten alive by other fish, or drown (if they are not in constant movement their gills cannot extract oxygen from the water). Shark fins are being "harvested" in ever greater numbers to feed the growing demand for shark fin soup, an Asian "delicacy".


Not only is the finning of sharks barbaric, but their indiscriminate slaughter at an unsustainable rate is pushing many species to the brink of extinction. Since the 1970s the populations of several species have been decimated by over 95%. Due to the clandestine nature of finning, records are rarely kept of the numbers of sharks and species caught. Estimates are based on declared imports to shark fin markets such as Hong Kong and China.

 As the New York Times reports,


Shark fins are the main ingredient of a soup that is widely regarded a status symbol in Chinese culture and a must-serve at important events and celebrations like weddings. As I have reported in the past, the dried fins sell for several hundred dollars a pound. Often they are sliced from sharks that are then thrown back into the sea to die.



The Chinese  NGO Green Beagle recently checked out 124 top of the charts Beijing restaurants and are less then happy to report that only one of them refuses to serve shark fin.  Sharks are not a protected species in China and there are no laws regulating consumption of shark fin.

China is the world's largest importer of shark fin. Various Chinese groups are campaigning for a ban on the sale of shark fin for a variety reasons including: the inhumane methods of acquisition, the critically endangered state of the species, and high heavy metal content. 

  In Chicago, a ban on shark fin soup went into effect on New Year's Day.  Shark fin bans are also in place in Hawaii, Washington, California and Oregon.  China announced last year that shark fin soup would no longer be served at official state banquets.  

In November, The European Union joined the United States, Canada, Brazil, Namibia, South Africa in banning the practice of shark finning, but a growing Chinese upper class has kept demand for the fins high, and the price has reached $300 per pound.

At the epicenter of all this is Hong Kong.
Photos shot in Hong Kong in the New Year show more than 18,000 shark fins drying on the roofs of industrial buildings. The astonishing images present just a fraction of the haul that kills an estimated 75 million sharks each year in order to obtain their highly valued dorsal fins.

The Animal Planet describe shark finning as a "brutal practice."



 A shark is caught, pulled onboard a boat, its fins are cut off, and the still-living shark is tossed back overboard to drown or bleed to death.  The wasteful, inhumane practice is done to satisfy a demand for shark fins, which can fetch as much as $300 per pound. The meat, on the other hand, is far less valuable, so fishermen toss it overboard to save space for more fins.

The Animal Planet also asks some questions and then answers them:


How Serious A Threat is Shark Finning?

Finning is responsible for the death of between 88 million to 100 million sharks every year. Exact numbers are unknown because the practice is illegal in many places and hauls aren't accurately counted. Because sharks are at the top of the food chain and have few predators, they reproduce and mature slowly. That means their numbers are slow to replenish when a population is overfished. At the rate humans are going, we're set to wipe out sharks entirely in as little as 10-20 years.

What Happens If Sharks Die Out?

Sharks are an apex predator. Apex predators are invaluable for keeping the populations of everything else in the food chain in balance. The oceans depend on them to keep the numbers of other fish and mammal species in check and weed out the sick, injured and dying so that populations of fish stay strong and healthy. Without sharks -- from bottom feeders all the way up to Great Whites -- the balance of the ocean's food chain is in danger.


This is not just a guessing game, either. We've already seen the impact a loss of sharks can have on an ecosystem. According to Shark Savers, a scientific study conducted in the mid-Atlantic part of the United States showed that when 11 species of sharks were nearly eliminated, 12 of the 14 species those sharks once fed on became so plentiful that they damaged the ecosystem, including wiping out the species farther down the food chain on which they preyed. The negative effects trickle out as the ecosystem gets thrown out of balance.

 Randall Arauz who won a Goldman Environmental Prize for his work in showing the extent of the damage done to shark populations on Costa Rica and getting policies changed that favor sharks, at least to some extent laments, " 

Shark finning is not only cruel, it is irresponsible and unsustainable fishing at its highest degree. In spite of this, it has been close to impossible to attain any international binding management and conservation measures to curtail this practice.


The following article and the disgusting photo that goes with it comes from China Dialogue.







Thousands of shark fins found drying on rooftop in Hong Kong

Tom Levitt

Readinch
AFP photographer finds as many as 20,000 shark fins drying on rooftop of an industrial building in Hong Kong.
article image
Hong Kong is one of the world's biggest markets for shark fins, viewed by many as a rare delicacy (image by Gary Stokes/Sea Shephard)

 

A photographer for international news agency AFP has captured shocking images of thousands of shark fins drying on a factory rooftop in Kennedy Town, on the west side of Hong Kong island – once again putting the spotlight on the shark fin trade.

More than 100 of the world's shark species are included on the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List of endangered species. The conservation group Wild Aid estimates that 73 million sharks are killed each year, thrown back into the water to bleed to death after their fins are cut off .


Despite the concerns, shark fins are seen by many as a rare delicacy for use in soups and on special occasions. They are still widely available in restaurants across China. 


Since the first records of its consumption in the Ming dynasty, shark fin has been a delicacy for the rich and powerful. As chinadialogue has reported, it is still a favourite of those groups today – and is sometimes associated with the corrupt use of public money for wining and dining.


Ironically, as others have explained, shark fin is not particularly nutritious. It is made up of thin strips of cartilage and has no flavour of its own, nor special nutritional value. It mainly consists of collagen, an incomplete protein as it lacks the essential amino acids tryptophan and cysteine. It is much less nutritious than shark meat, which is a complete protein.

UNITING THE MULTITUDE DOWN MEXICO WAY

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The Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity  (MPJD) has expressed support for the Zapatistas  (EZLN) in a letter also published in their journal.  As described by the Swathmore College News and Events:


.. the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD), Sicilia united a vast group of drug war victims-families who had lost innocent loved ones in the crossfire of Mexico's escalating conflict. They filled dozens of caravan buses and traveled across Mexico telling their stories and drawing attention not only to the heavy hand of state security forces but also to the corruption of the court system, police forces, and politicians who were unable to hold killers and traffickers accountable.

The MPJD as many of you know has organized numerous mass actions including street protests, marches and caravans across Mexico and the USA.  The Nation has reported that  last June the movement produced a list of demands, which included the demilitarization of security forces, a serious and scrupulous investigation of drug-related crime, the allowance of regulated drug use, new rules to stop international money laundering and an end to weapons trade with the United States.  

Like the Zapatistas, but in a different way, the MPJD is a movement of the multitudes against an outpost of the Empire and is an attempt without seizing state power to build a new world for all of the oppressed and working people.

The following is taken from a Zapatista support site entitled The Flower of the World Will Not Die.


Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity Responds to the EZLN


México D.F. on January 3, 2013.

Our struggle is for life, and the evil government offers death as the future.
Our struggle is for justice, and the evil government is filled with criminals and assassins.

Our struggle is for peace, and the evil government announces war and destruction.

CCRI-CG of the EZLN

To the Zapatista Army of National Liberation

Brothers and sisters
First, we send you a fraternal embrace for your 29 years as EZLN and for the 19 years since you appeared publically. We congratulate you because we, in our short existence as a movement, know full well how difficult it is to build and sustain an organization. And above all, for your steadfastness, for showing us that morals, ethics and truth are the most powerful tools to build a world with peace, justice, dignity and democracy.

We also use this letter to thank you for the many lessons you have given to Mexican society and the solidarity you gave to the victims of May 7, 2011, when, making our cry yours, We’ve Had It Up to Here! [¡Estamos hasta la madre!], you came out to march in silence to demand an end to the war and justice for the victims. We will never forget that great mobilization and message as well as the fraternal reception that the Good Government of Oventic gave to the Caravan to the South.

Since then, the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity diagnosed the national emergency that you had already foreseen. With our walk in sorrow, we confirmed that this world is indeed crumbling and, facing this, we recuperated the fundamental elements of our humanness and life to begin building another world.

Just like you, we have taken on the struggle in the terrain of the symbolic to show the breadth of the transcendence of our causes. That’s why we have put the testimony of the victims before the discourse of politics. However, the deafening system – in which the political class and organized crime have satiated their ambition for power and wealth, imposing a criminal economy where life and death are interchangeable products – has blocked all understanding of the gravity of the situation in which we are submerged: 80,000 dead, 20,000 disappeared, hundreds of thousands displaced and families and bodies destroyed. This new face of war is nothing more than the extension of the long night of the 500 years, which the dictatorship of the State party has taken charge of redressing in paramilitarism and repression against the people and social movements.

In spite of the foregoing, we walked to raise up the voice and testimony of the victims throughout the width and breadth of the country, as well as across the United States of North America, publically calling for accountability from those above, all political parties and all the powers that be, exposing the ethical and moral degradation of the political class, the criminals and the institutions. In our walk we have also seen dignified peoples and persons who are confronting this reality, breaking with the dynamics of the system and putting down the bases for the construction of other worlds, almost always with youth, victims and indigenous peoples as the main social subjects. We also identify as the indigenous peoples those who can be found heading up the construction of alternatives: Cherán, Santa María Ostula and Tiripetío in Michoacán; the peoples of the mountain and coast of Guerrero who bringing to life the Community Police; the defense of the sacred lands of the Wirrárikas and hundreds of communities that resist the megaprojects, the extraction economy and the accumulation of wealth by plunder.

Since May 8, 2011, before thousands of people in main plaza of Mexico City, we proposed the necessity of setting the minimum bases needed to begin the reconstruction of the country. In that sense, we believe that one of the first necessary minimum measures is the signing and fulfillment of the San Andrés Larráinzar Accords, a project that would be the first step, not only to begin to pay off the historic debt that the Mexican nation has with her first peoples but so that the State keeps its word and, above all, to begin the construction of a model of democracy and justice through which true peace with dignity can be consolidated. That’s why, and responding to your most recent communiqués, we want to let you know that we are ready to begin walking at your side and at the side of all Mexicans who are committed to this demand. That we believe that a Mexico with Peace, Justice and Dignity is only possible with Democracy and Liberty. That Mexico cannot be a complete nation with her peoples.
Dear Zapatista sisters and brothers,

We say from our hearts, which have been hurt by war and that struggle so that other families don’t have to live the sorrow of losing or having a family member disappeared: we embrace your struggle the way you have embraced ours. We will struggle for a Mexico for all, a country that truly includes and recognizes her indigenous peoples, for a country where there are no dead or disappeared due to the ambition and opulence of a few and one in which, as your communities have already begun doing so, life that has been violently taken away can begin to flower again.

In the construction of a Mexico with Peace, Justice, Democracy and Dignity. All together!

Yours,
Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad
(Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity)

MASS SHOOTINGS: RACE, CLASS, VIOLENCE AND DENIAL

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It's been a little while, at least, since the mass murders at Sandy Hook Elementary so I think it is time for a little perspective.  Tim Wise, a long time anti-racist has an important one.  I won't bother with some sort of an introductory screed as this speaks perfectly well for itself.


RACE, CLASS, VIOLENCE AND DENIAL: MASS MURDER AND THE PATHOLOGIES OF PRIVILEGE
by Tim Wise



The senselessness alone would have been sufficient.

So too the sheer horror.
The devastated families, the tapestry of their lives ripped apart, would have been more than enough to make the events at Sandy Hook Elementary almost too weighty to bear.
Much as they were more than a decade before at Columbine, or in any number of other mass or spree shootings — over five dozen by one count, more than 150 by another — that have played out over the past few decades.*
There is nothing, one would hope (and even suspect) that could make the present moment any worse.
And yet sadly, there is, and it is something that one hears almost every time one of these tragedies transpires. Over and again, no matter how frequently they happen, and no matter how often the specifics of the latest event eerily mirror the last one and the one before that — the high capacity weaponry, the apparent mental and emotional instability of the shooter, and the relatively bucolic surroundings of the locale where the deed is done — it is said again and again with no sense of irony or misgiving.
And it is maddening.
“This wasn’t supposed to happen here.”
Or perhaps, “No one could have imagined something like this happening in our community.”
Or even worse, “This is a nice, safe place,” which of course was the same thing said about Springfield, Oregon, Pearl, Mississippi, Littleton and Aurora, Colorado, Moses Lake, Washington, Jonesboro, Arkansas, Santee, California, Edinboro, Pennsylvania, Paduchah, Kentucky, and pretty much every one of the dozens of places where the things that never happen appear to happen regularly enough to constitute something well North of never; indeed quite a bit up from rare.
To have said merely that these things are not supposed to happen, at all, anywhere, to anyone’s children would have been both appropriate and more to the point, true. Six year old children are not supposed to die, whether from gunfire or untreated asthma, whether from violence or inadequate nutrition and medical care. Parents are not supposed to bury their children. Period. And yet every year millions upon millions around the world do, including untold tens of thousands across the United States.
But it is not enough, apparently, to simply remark that there is something tragic and unexpected and uniquely unacceptable about childhood mortality, and to leave it at that, to punctuate this most obvious and banal truism with a period and be done. No, it is that additional four letters, that one hanging syllable, that modifier of our shock and amazement, which localizes its unacceptability in a particular space — here. Not there, but here.
Still, after all these years, and all these sanguinary calamities, there remains the utter surprise that yes, evil can visit the “nice” places too. What’s that you say? Childhood death isn’t just for the brown and poor anymore? Not merely a special burden to be borne by the residents of South Chicago, West Philadelphia, or Central City New Orleans? There is dysfunction and pathology and general awfulness where some of the beautiful people too reside? Yes precious, yes indeed. This time would you please write it down? Perhaps make it your Facebook status forever, so you won’t forget?
I don’t mean to be callous, and indeed I have shed plenty of tears for the families in Newtown, as I do every time one of these massacres takes place, and as I sadly know I will again. But Goddammit, it is the denial, the cocoon-like innocence of the bleary-eyed denizens of these communities that drives me to distraction. Precisely because I do care, and I know that that very innocence — which now for the umpteenth time we get to hear has been shattered — is more than just maddening, and far more than an academic point. It actually helps to make these kinds of gut-wrenching catastrophes more likely.
After all, to whatever extent we place the blame for these things on widespread gun availability, we should know by now that with 280 million guns in circulation, they can’t all be tucked into the waistbands of young black men who reside somewhere else; that at least some — and by some I mean a frightful lot of them — are surely stored in well-apportioned cases for display, in small towns and rural hamlets and suburban cookie-cutter cul-de-sacs and gated communities, by people who aren’t yet sure enough that their gates will suffice to keep the dreaded other (who never looks like their own disturbed son, but always someones else’s — darker and poorer) at bay. And so why are we surprised?
And to the extent we place the onus of responsibility on untreated mental illness, certainly we must know that emotional disturbance and chemical imbalance, the likes of which can, in some cases, lead to violent episodes, is no respecter of zip codes. Indeed, it may be precisely in those “nicer” places — to use the terminology to which we default whenever we speak of whiter and more affluent communities but would rather not admit exactly what we’re saying — where signs of emotional disorder, dysfunction and pathology are most likely to fly beneath the radar, in ways they never would in places where police, social workers, counselors, teachers and even parents are on constant lookout for signs of trouble, because they, after all, haven’t the luxury of being naive to the game.
Don’t misunderstand: It is certainly true that our entire culture has stigmatized mental illnesses — viewing them as somehow indicative of a weakness of will, or suggestive of an inherently dangerous tendency rather than the organic disorders they happen to be, and which usually do not result in homicidal rage — such that many who need help will not get it, their conditions remaining undiagnosed and untreated. But this dreadful reality has a special ring of truth to it in those places where people are particularly used to keeping up appearances, and where they have the material and social privilege that allows one to keep one’s dirty laundry in one’s proverbial closet rather than having it aired for all the world (as is normative in poorer places). Is it really so hard to imagine that in the “nice” and “quiet” communities where people are presumed to have their metaphorical shit together — and where being in firm possession of said shit is indeed a virtual condition of entry itself — those who manifest dysfunctional and pathological tendencies might remain hidden, unhelped, and precisely because to admit of their issues would be to cast doubt upon the unsullied virtue of Pleasantville and those who call it home?
It is just a theory, a speculative musing that you are free to accept, reject, or ponder further as you wish. I cannot prove it. I am not even sure that I believe it. But I can’t shake the nagging sense that it is more than a little possible. Surely we know it holds true in places like Littleton, where the Columbine killers had gone so far as to make a film in which they acted out the murders of their classmates and teachers, well in advance of their actual massacre; a film about which school officials were aware, but which failed to set off alarm bells in the way it doubtless would have had it happened in an urban school, or for that matter, had two of the handful of black kids at Columbine been the ones to have made it there.
And with reports coming out that the Sandy Hook shooter had evinced profoundly antisocial tendencies from an early age it is not unreasonable to wonder if such a child, in a community less stable than Newtown, and where any kind of odd and strange behavior is seen as a potential sign of trouble down the road (rather than being written off to nerdiness or geekdom) might have been intervened upon rather than left to his own devices and those of his mother.
Speaking of whom, can we really imagine a poor, urban, black or Latina mom successfully removing her disturbed child from the local public school so as to home school him, and then, in her spare timehauling him off to the shooting range to make sure he knew how to fire, among other things, an assault rifle? Once again, I am merely wondering aloud, but it seems something less than irrational to believe that maybe, just maybe, it was this family’s social position, their class status and yes, their race, which insulated them from the judgment and external control so regularly deployed against the poor and those of color who manifest drama in one or another guise.
They were from good families.
This is a nice, safe place.
Say it again. Say it a thousand times if it helps you get through your day, your week, your life.
But know this: the minute we as a nation lull ourselves to sleep, and allow ourselves the conceit of deciding that some places are beyond the reach of evil, of death, of pain — while others are not, and are indeed the geographic fulcrum of misery itself — two things happen, and both are happening now. First, we let our guards down to the pathologies that manifest quite regularly in our own communities — the nice places, so called — whether domestic violence, child abuse, substance abuse, or any of a dozen others; and second, we consign those who live in the other places — the not-so-nice ones in our formulation — to continued destruction, having decided apparently that in spaces such as that there is really nothing that can be done. They are poor, after all, and dark, and embedded in a pathological culture, and so…
At the very least let us agree that there is something of a cognitive disconnect here, linked indelibly to the race and class status of the perpetrators of so many of these crimes, when contrasted to the way in which we normally, as a nation, discuss crime and violence.
After all, when poor folks or people of color engage in criminal activity — including, in general, a disproportionate share of lethal street violence — everyone has a theory; and not just a theory but an analysis that in one way or the other implicates something cultural. For the right, it’s the culture of poverty, or perhaps some specific aspect of “black culture” — about which they know nothing but about which they also feel utterly qualified to speak — while for the left it’s the culture of systemic inequality, of economic marginality, or the cumulative weight of institutional injustice.
But when white people, and especially those from stable and even well-off economic backgrounds lash out in a manner often far more bizarre, indiscriminate, and apocalyptic than even the most determined street thug, it is then that the value of broader cultural critique vanishes faster than ethical judgment on Wall Street, to be replaced by a far more individualistic analysis. It’s the guns in that kids home, or the video games he played, or the Asperger’s, or the bullying, or he was a loner, or watched violent movies, or whatever. Because we cannot bring ourselves to ask the questions, let alone countenance the possible answers that we would ask and at which we might arrive were the vast majority of these mass killers black, or Latino, or God forbid Arab Muslims. In any of those cases — and everyone with even a shred of honesty would admit it — we would be talking not about the individual killer as an aberration, as a disturbed and disordered soul who had lost his way. We would be talking about the group or groups from which they hailed; about their cultures, their religion, their pathological communities.
But Adam Lanza was not Muslim. Not black. Not brown. He was a white man, like about 70 percent of all mass and spree killers in American history. And no one seems to think this is very interesting or worthy of comment. Indeed, for even broaching the subject, the always astute David Sirota has been attacked all across the interwebs for his temerity. Attacked by the same people who would demand a racial and/or religious group analysis of the crimes had they been perpetrated in these percentages by any of the above groups to whom seven in ten such murderers most decidedly do not belong.
And no, I’m not saying there is something about whiteness that causes mass murder. But neither is there anything about blackness that causes the kind of retail crime we still see far too often in this nation’s cities; nor anything about Islam that is intrinsically connected to terrorism. And I’ll be more than happy to drop the line of inquiry I have so indelicately opened here if the rest of America will shelve lines two and three. But so long as we have people who insist on an inherent linkage between race and crime on the streets of Newark, or religion and terrorism the world over, I’m going to keep my argumentative options open, thank you very much.
Beyond the racial angle, can we also agree that perhaps there is something about a distorted notion of masculinity at work here? Is it merely coincidental that most of the perpetrators in these kinds of slaughters are something other than the media-hyped image of a man? That they are, so often, noted to be geeks and nerds? That they were bullied or picked on, or just ignored? Just as young women who fail to live up to the culture’s constricting definition of an ideal heterosexual woman often develop destructive tendencies, usually directed inward regarding body image, might men too, who struggle to keep up with the notion of manhood sold by Men’s HealthMaxim — and more to the point gun manufacturers themselves who deliberately seek to link manhood to assault weapon ownership — seek emotional sustenance from deadly hardware, body armor and the capacity to kill not just the individual person with whom you have beef, but everyone in your general vicinity with a heartbeat?
Again, it’s just a theory, but so is every critique of the poor and those of color that has come down the pike in the last thirty years, or for that matter, forever. And it seems more than past the time when we ought to be willing to at least ask the questions, lest we be caught flat-footed, again and again and again, utterly paralyzed by the dysfunction that we continued to believe, against all evidence, would remain far from our placid environs, forever.
_________
* There are different interpretations of what constitutes a mass murder killing or spree killing. Mother Jones recently compiled a list limited to those events in which more than three victims (not including the killer) were murdered. Other events, involving mass killings over several days (some of which were counted by Mother Jones but others not), or events involving 2 or three victims are included by others and result in larger estimates.

DANGEROUS GUN NUT THREATENS TO START KILLING PEOPLE IF HE DOESN'T GET HIS WAY

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IN HIS DREAMS


I don't usually, in fact, I have never posted someone's vita, but when some guy says if Obama bans assault weapons  he is going to start killing people, well maybe you need to know about him.

James Yeager, CEO of Tactical Response and also of Tactical Response Gear, Inc. has actually made that threat on Youtube.  Shouldn't he be in jail or undergoing mental observation or something?

The vita is taken from Tactical Response and here it is:

James Yeager 
After.jpg

James Yeager is currently the CEO of Tactical Response which provides tactical training worldwide as well as being CEO of Tactical Response Gear an industry leader in products and service to the tactical community.

From July 2004 until May 2005 James Yeager was on Protective Security Details in Baghdad Iraq. His Team was responsible for the protection of the 8 Iraqi Election Commissioners during the violent pre-election, election, and post election. His Team was also in charge of the physical security of their offices at the Interim Iraqi Government Building and we worked closely with the Gurkhan guard force there. Yeager’s duties as I.C. (on-site supervisor) included acting as a media liaison, coordinating the security force for the building (Contractors and Iraqi), coordinating with the security force for the compound (Global Risk and US Army), and coordinating with the two U.S. Army Force Protection groups for the area (82nd ABN). He also assisted with the planning, advances, coordination, and execution of the many meetings, plane rides, helicopter shuttles, conferences, and trips around turbulent Iraq that the 8 commissions took to set up and complete the electoral process.

May 1996 through September 1998 he worked as a Patrolman and K-9 handler for the Big Sandy Police Department. In the fall of 1998 he was asked to be the Chief of Police. It was during this time he trained and led the County’s first Tactical Team. He held the position of Chief until a new Mayor fired him in May of 2000. He was hired as a Deputy at the Benton County Sheriff’s Office in May of 2000. His duties at BCSO included patrol, Tactical Team leader, and trainer for the Multi-Agency Crisis Response Team. September of 2002 after a new Sheriff came into office Yeager decided the political strife of full-time Law Enforcement was too much for him and he went into private training full-time until July of 2004 when he turned his company over to his Board of Directors to go to Iraq.

January 1992 through May 1996 James Yeager worked with various Drug Task Force units as well as many local Departments’ Narcotics squads buying and selling illegal narcotics in an undercover capacity. He specialized in deep cover operations, used fictitious names, and moved frequently. The agencies he worked for included, but were not limited to, the 24th Drug Task Force, 23rd D.T.F., 27th D.T.F., Paris Police Department, the Henry County Sheriff’s Department, and the DEA. He made hundreds narcotics buys and sales during this period and still continues to work in short duration operations as needed.

James Yeager is a member of the National Rifle Association (NRA) – Life Member, the Southern States Police Benevolent Association, the Tennessee Tactical Police and Paramedic Association (TTPPA) and is a member of I.L.E.E.T.A.

• TN P.O.S.T. Certified to Instruct Less Lethal Munitions #00040S - inactive
• TN P.O.S.T. Certified to Instruct Firearms #00041S - inactive
• TN P.O.S.T. Certified to Instruct Chemical Weapons #00042S - inactive
• TN P.O.S.T. Certified to Instruct Expandable Baton #00043S - inactive
• TN P.O.S.T. Certified Police Officer and K-9 handler #97276 - inactive
* Louisiana State Police Firearms Instructor Number #0259
* F.B.I. Certified Firearms Instructor
* TN Department of Safety Certified Firearms Instructor
* FAA certified to instruct Law Enforcement “Flying Armed” courses
* A.L.S. Master Instructor (Less Lethal, Flashbangs, Chemical Weapons)
* Expandable Baton Instructor – Monadanock
* Bushmaster Certified Patrol Rifle/Carbine Instructor
* Aerosol O.C. Instructor – Fox Labs International
* Armor Holding - Gas Mask Instructor
* Armor Holdings - Pyrotechnic Munitions Instructor
* Armor Holdings - Distraction Device Instructor
* Armor Holdings – Chemical Weapons Instructor
* Armor Holdings - Less Lethal Munitions Instructor
* NRA Certified Handgun Instructor #11973397
* NRA Personal Protection Instructor #11973397
* Glock Certified Armorer
* Rangemaster Handgun Instructor Development
* Knife Defense Instructor
* Over 200 hours of DSS training for EP/PSD/BG
* Scientific Combat Method American Combat Masters 20 hour
* S.D.S.I. Tactical Rifle Course 16hours
* Tactical Knife Instruction- American Combat Masters 20 hour
* Black Water Lodge 32 hour Tactical Police and Military Shotgun Course
* Completed various 40 hour Officer Survival schools
* Attended Snipercraft 40 hour
* OPS - Advanced Low Light Shooting Instructor Course 40 hour
* OPS - Advanced Tactical Handgun Instructor Course 40 hour
* OPS - Handgun Instructor Course 40 hour
* OPS - Patrol Rifle Instructor Course 40 hour
* OPS -Shotgun Instructor Course 40 hour
* Jim Crews - Tactical Handgun 20 hour
* Halo Group - Advanced Tactical Handgun 18 hour
* Rangemaster - High Risk Personnel 16 hour
* Rangemaster - Crisis Response Team Training 80 hour
* S.W.A.T. UTM / Chief Tom Long 40 hour
* D.E.A. - Clandestine Lab Investigations 40 hour
* Criminal Investigation School UTM 40 hour
* Patrol Interdiction 40 hour
* Basic SWAT-Jackson SWAT Team 40 hour
* John Farnam Advanced Tactical Handgun Instructor Course 20 hour
* Military Counter Drug SRT course 48 Hour
* SWAT by Smyrna S.T.O.R.M. Team 40 hour
* 40 hours in-service 1996-through present
* Active Shooter Instructor Course / TTPPA 24 hrs
* 40 Hr Police Sniper School by Smyrna S.T.O.R.M.
* 28 Hour Carbine Instructor / Jim Crews
* 40 Hour F.B.I. SWAT course
* 5 day Strategos Spec-Ops Low-Light Team Tactics 50+ Hours
* Personal Security Course from Armor Group International (I.T.I. in VA)
* Pat Rogers 3-Day Carbine Operator Course
* Caliber Press - Street Survival 2 days
* Glock 2.5 day Instructor Workshop
* NRA Patrol Rifle Instructor
* Rogers Shooting School - Pistol / Intermediate
* Rogers Shooting School - Rifle / Advanced
* Surefire Tactical Technology Specialist Course
* Larry Vickers' AK Operator Course

James Yeager a certified expert witness in TN for firearms, tactical training and use of force. He has been a firearms trainer since 1994 and has taught literally thousands of students with several individuals, tactical teams, and Special Forces teams being successful in lethal force confrontations both domestically and abroad. Yeager has taught multiple classes all over the United States, Canada, Europe, the Middle East, Central America and South America. He has extensive experience teaching in austere environments.

James Yeager is also a professional writer and has been published in magazines such as S.W.A.T. (Staff Writer), Southern Lawman, and STUFF. He wrote foreword for the book “Surgical Speed Shooting” as well as being on the cover of that book. He has written a book on High Risk Civilian Contracting. Yeager has also produced a series of instructional DVDs.
He was featured on the cover of the September 2005 SWAT magazine and the December 2005 and June 2009 issues of SWAT had a full length review of our training. His companies have also been featured in the “Barrett Annual”, “Shotgun News”, “The book of the AR-15”, and several other periodicals. Kiplinger’s financial magazine also did an article on Yeager in the June 2007 issue. He was also featured on “SWAT Magazine TV” on the Outdoor channel in January 2010.
Email: JamesYeager@TacticalResponse.com

Uh, hello, Jim.  Earth to Jim.  It's a no no to say you are going to start killing people if something you don't like happens, especially when you seem to have the skill, means, and motive to do just that. 

Uh, hello, ATF, my old friends who proudly put me away back in my youth, shouldn't you guys be checking this out...or might he be a bud?

Making threats is nothing new to James who according to Walls of the City is on record saying that anyway he calls him a coward to his face will have their back broken (check it out).  Notice, I am not calling him a coward.  I don't need this nice fellow at my door today.

Anyway, Mr. Jim doesn't want to start killing people all by himself to defend his "gun rights."  As you will read below, he wants others to join in on the fun.

I wonder what would happen if this guy were one of those damn left wing anarchists, or say any African American.

TPM reports that  Thursday, an employee at Tactical Response told them  the company would not be issuing a separate response to the video.


"We're going to let him handle all that," the employee said. 


I bet.

The Raw Story sums it all up with this:

After the Drudge Report likened Obama to Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin on Wednesday, pro-gun conservatives expressed outrage over the idea that the White House could act without Congress.


“Vice President [Joe] Biden is asking the president to bypass Congress and use executive privilege, executive order to ban assault rifles and to impose stricter gun control,” Yeager explained in his video message. “Fuck that.”


“I’m telling you that if that happens, it’s going to spark a civil war, and I’ll be glad to fire the first shot. I’m not putting up with it. You shouldn’t put up with it. And I need all you patriots to start thinking about what you’re going to do, load your damn mags, make sure your rifle’s clean, pack a backpack with some food in it and get ready to fight.”

The CEO concluded: “I’m not fucking putting up with this. I’m not letting my country be ruled by a dictator. I’m not letting anybody take my guns! If it goes one inch further, I’m going to start killing people.”

Okie dokie.  The following is from the Southern Poverty Law Center's Hate Watch.

Weapons Instructor for Police Threatens to ‘Start Killing People’

Posted in Extremist Propaganda by Mark Potok on January 10, 2013

Print This Post Print This Post

The CEO of two companies that provide tactical weapons training and supplies to the military and police — and who is a former Tennessee police chief — said yesterday that if President Obama uses executive orders to ban assault rifles, “I’m going to start killing people.”

James Yeager, CEO of Tactical Response and also of Tactical Response Gear Inc. of Camden, Tenn., made the statement as part of a furious, one-minute rant posted yesterday to YouTube. Today, after Yeager apparently thought better of his death threats, the video was pulled down. Hatewatch captured it, however, and it can be viewed here.

Staring into the camera and showing biceps tattooed with numerous spent shell casings, Yeager said that he’d learned that Vice President Joe Biden had asked Obama to bypass Congress and use executive powers to ban assault rifles and impose other gun control measures. And then he let loose.

“Fuck that,” he said. “I’m telling you that if that happens, it’s going to spark a civil war, and I’ll be glad to fire the first shot. I’m not putting up with it, you shouldn’t put up with it, and I need all you patriots to start thinking about what you’re going to do. Load your damn mags, make sure your rifle’s clean, pack a backpack with some food in it, and get ready to fight.

“I’m not fucking putting up with this, I am not letting my country be ruled by a dictator, I am not letting anybody take my guns,” he said, his voice rising. “If this goes one inch further, I’m going to start killing people.”

In his company biography at the website for Tactical Response, Yeager said that he was a patrolman, K-9 handler and, ultimately, police chief of the Big Sandy, Tenn., Police Department in the 1990s. He also was a deputy sheriff with the Benton County Sheriff’s Office. In 2002, he says, he went into private-sector tactical weapons training full time, even while serving as the firearms and tactics instructor for the Camden Police Department. He says he worked as a civilian working in protective security in Iraq in 2004 and 2005.

Yeager said he had been featured in numerous publications, including being on the cover of S.W.A.T. Magazine,  Kiplinger’s financial magazine and other publications. He also says he has written for a variety of gun magazines and been featured on TV shows including the Discovery Channel’s “One Man Army” and National Geographic’s “Snipers Inc.”

“I have taught multiple classes all over the United States, Canada, Europe, the Middle East, Central America and South America,” Yeager wrote. “I have extensive experience teaching in austere environments and I am a certified witness for firearms, tactical training and use of force.”

And that is precisely what is so scary about James Yeager.

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